A translation of January in Antiochus’ Calendar

Μὴν Ἰαννουάριος. January
αʹ.   Ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ ἡγουμένου τῶν Διδύμων ἑῷος δύνει. 1st. The head and leg of Gemini set in the east.
εʹ.  Δελφὶς ἐπιτέλλει. 5th. The Dolphin rises.
ζʹ.  ὁ κατὰ τοῦ γονατος τοῦ Τοζότου ἐπιτέλλει. 7th.  The portion of Sagittarius above the knee rises.
ιαʹ.  ὁ λαμπρὸς τῆς Λύρας ἑσπέριος ἀνατέλλει· καὶ ποιεῖ ἐπισημασίαν ἀκίνδυνον.  11th.  The radiance of the Lyre arises in the west: and causes harmless changes to the weather.
ιεʹ.  ὁ λαμπρὸς τοῦ Ὑδροχόου ἑῷος δύνει. 15th.  The radiance of Arcturus sinks in the east.
ιηʹ.  ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Λέοντος ἑσπέριος ἀνατέλλει. 18th.  The head-portion of Leo rises in the west.
κβʹ.  ὁ Ὑδροχόος ἀνατέλλει· ἐπισημασία. 22nd.  Aquarius rises: weather change.
κϛʹ . ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ στήθους τοῦ Λέοντος δύνει · ἐπισημασία. 26th.  The breast of Leo sets: weather change.
λαʹ.  ὁ Κάνωβος ἑσπέριος ἀνατέλλει. 31st.  Canopus arises in the west.

That’s my first effort at translating some Greek.  Corrections very welcome!

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More on the calendar of Antiochus

I’ve been looking at the portion of the calendar of Antiochus of Athens which I posted earlier, and trying to work out what the meanings of the words are.  I can feel the jargon behind some otherwise innocuous phrases, and Mark Riley’s glossary of terms confirms that at least one of them does have a specialised meaning in ancient astrological circles.

To start with, I need to be sure what two very common words mean, namely:  Περὶ ἀστων νατελλντων καδυντων — concerning the rising and setting of the stars.  That is, I think it is “rising” and “setting”, but I want to be sure.

I thought I’d do a google search on  νατελλντων and δυντων and see what I  got.  After a few Greek pages, I got an ancient work, Geminus Rhodius, Introduction to the Phaenomena.  Apparently this is a work of the 1st century B.C.  The HTML is here.  The Wikipedia article for Geminus Rhodius tells me that an English translation does exist, but, made recently as it was, it’s offline and so inaccessible to anyone.  But this site has a PDF of a Greek/German text.  I’m OCR’ing this at the moment, and it may help.  Chapter 2, in which the text is used, is about the 12 parts of the zodiac.

The HTML gives me this:

Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς συζυγίας διημαρτημένας εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. Ἐκδηλότατον δὲ γίνεται τὸ ἁμάρτημα περὶ τὴν συζυγίαν τοῦ Κριοῦ. Ἀποφαίνονται γὰρ κατὰ συζυγίαν Κριὸν Ζυγῷ ὡς τούτων τῶν ζῳδίων ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ τόπου ἀνατελλόντων καὶ εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον δυνόντων. Ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν Κριὸς βόρειος ἀνατέλλει καὶ δύνει· τοῦ γὰρ ἰσημερινοῦ κύκλου πρὸς ἄρκτους κεῖται· αἱ δὲ Ζυγοῦ νότιαι καὶ ἀνατέλλουσι καὶ δύνουσι· τοῦ γὰρ ἰσημερινοῦ κύκλου πρὸς μεσημβρίαν κεῖνται. Πῶς οὖν δύναται Κριὸς Ζυγῷ κατὰ συζυγίαν εἶναι; Ἐκ διαφόρων γὰρ τόπων ἀνατέλλουσιν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ δύνουσιν.

and the German is (chapter II, nearly at the end, on p.35):

Am deutlichsten zeigt sich die irrtumliche Annahme bei  dem Paarscheine des Widders. Den Widder nehmen sie namlich als mit der Wage im Paarschein stehend an, da diese Zeichen angeblich aus demselben Orte auf- und in denselben Ort untergehen. Allein der Widder geht nördlich auf und unter, weil er nördlich vom Äquator liegt, wahrend die Wage sildlich aufgeht und untergeht, weil sie südlich vom Äquator liegt. Wie kann also der Widder mit der Wage in Paarschein stehen? Gehen sie ja doch aus verschiedenen Orten auf und auch entsprechend unter. Es können also diese Zeichen nicht von denselben Parallelkreisen eingeschlossen werden.

Again we have rising and setting.

Next I try a search for dunei.  I get a parallel Greek-English Septuagint from Ecclesiastes 1:5, here.

καὶ ἀνατέλλει ὁ ἥλιος καὶ δύνει ὁ ἥλιος καὶ εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτοῦ ἕλκει

The sun also rises, and the sun goes down, and hurries to its place where it rises. 

OK, that fits with my understanding also.

I then found an article online which not merely uses the word, but references the calendar of Euctemon — one of the other three calendars published by Boll together with that of Antiochus!  — Pritchett (etc), Thucididean time-reckoning and Euctemon’s seasonal calendar, Bulletin de correspondance hellénique , vol 85 (1961) pp. 17-52. It starts here.  I learn from it, indeed, that Euctemon’s calendar actually is appended to the manuscripts of Geminus Rhodius!  And Pritchett actually translates a portion of Euctemon, from which we may see some of the terminology in use:

And indeed there are several more pages of translation.

I had already worked out that Kwon — so frequent in Antiochus — must be Sirius, the dog-star, but it is nice to get confirmation of it.  epitellei = rises and holos epitellei = completely rises are likewise useful.  Delphis, it seems, is the “Dolphin”.  Pritchett renders hesperios as “vespertinal” (what?!), i.e. “in the west”.

So this has been productive.  I now have some ideas about the language being used by Antiochus.

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The opening section of the calendar of Antiochus of Athens

I’ve transcribed the Greek into unicode.  Who knows, it might even display correctly here!   The first three lines are the heading, in each of three different manuscripts.

Περὶ ἀστων νατελλντων καδυντων ν τος ιβʹ μηστοῦ ἐνιαυτοσν τῷ ἡλίῳ.   Ἀντιχου Ο περὶ ἀστρων νατελλντων καδυνν των ν τος ιβʹ μηστοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ. (Concerning the rising and setting of the stars in the 12 months of the year, with the sun).

Ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ κατὰ τοὺς μῆνας τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἀνατέλλοντες καὶ δύνοντες οὗτοι  (But also the risings and settings in the months of the year)

Εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀνατέλλοντα ἄστρα σὺν τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐν ἑκάστῳ μηνὶ ταῦτα. (This is also the star risings with the sun in each of the months).

Μὴν Ἰαννουάριος.

αʹ.   Ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ ἡγουμένου τῶν Διδύμων ἑῷος δύνει.
εʹ.  Δελφὶς ἐπιτέλλει.
ζʹ.  ὁ κατὰ τοῦ γονατος τοῦ Τοζότου ἐπιτέλλει.
ιαʹ.  ὁ λαμπρὸς τῆς Λύρας ἑσπέριος ἀνατέλλει· καὶ ποιεῖ ἐπισημασίαν ἀκίνδυνον.
ιεʹ.  ὁ λαμπρὸς τοῦ Ὑδροχόου ἑῷος δύνει.
ιηʹ.  ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Λέοντος ἑσπέριος ἀνατέλλει.
κβʹ.  ὁ Ὑδροχόος ἀνατέλλει· ἐπισημασία.
κϛʹ . ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ στήθους τοῦ Λέοντος δύνει · ἐπισημασία.
λαʹ.  ὁ Κάνωβος ἑσπέριος ἀνατέλλει.

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From my diary

Just bits and pieces happening at the moment.

So, you want to learn Coptic? arrived from Lulu.com very quickly indeed.  I’ve had it a couple of days, and it’s very easy reading indeed.  I do need to actually memorise the ‘extra’ Coptic letters, tho, I find.

I saw a facebook post in which someone referred to the “hunger for languages”.  I feel this too.  But Google translate will help us all, in a way hard to imagine even ten years ago.

I took a look at the Eusebius PDF again last night.  Reading So you want to learn Coptic has clarified a lot about the djinkim (=grave accent).  I’m in the daft position that the first couple of fragments seem to have been transcribed exactly.  Then the remainder were adjusted to use the djinkim.  Finally the new fragment I did myself was exact transcription.  This will have to be normalised.  Since I don’t know which words should have what, I think I will have to go with the original use of dots above words.  Unfortunately it means comparing every fragment with the original.  I’ll do this as soon as I can, and finish the book then.

Today I’ve been looking again at QuickGreek.  I’ve added code to catch unexpected exceptions — just makes it a little more professional.  I’ve also started creating a way to add extra words.  When I was looking at the Calendar of Antiochus of Athens, the names of stars were not being recognised, and I would like to add these.

One problem I had with entries in the calendar was whether a particular word, applied to a star setting or rising meant “at dawn” or “in the morning”.  There is clearly a need for a specialised glossary.

The days are very short now, and I feel a tremendous lethargy.  What I need is sunshine!

I don’t know that I shall blog on Christmas day this year, as I may be otherwise engaged.  Boxing day is Sunday, so no computer use then.  I’ll get to these things on Monday.

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First Coptic fragment

I began translating the first of the two Coptic fragments published by Amelineau, and this was what I came up with, as far as I got:

… they’ve left.”  The steward [1] said, “I don’t know why they’ve left.”  He [2] ordered him to be beaten until the steward told him everything that had taken place.  The steward said to him, “Don’t beat me, and I will tell you the facts.  This man, Samuel the ascetic, made a great catechism to the monks, condemning you, calling you a blasphemer, and he said that you were a Chalcedonian Jew, an atheist unworthy to do the synaxary as archbishop, unworthy to be in communion with anyone whatsoever.  This is why the monks listened to him, and they have all left.”

The impious one, when he heard all these words, flew into a rage, he chewed his lips in his frenzy, he cursed the steward, the monastery and the monks, and he went home by another road and never came back to the mountain to this day.

After that the brothers returned in peace to the monastery.   As for the Kaukhios, the pseudo-archbishop, he kept his grudge in his heart until he arrived at the town of the Fayoum.  Immediately he summoned his servants and men who knew (the district), so that they could bring him the holy apa Samuel with his hands bound behind his back and a yoke around his neck, beating him like a thief.  They arrived at the topos [3], and asked for him.

1. Oikonomos.
2. This must be the archbishop.
3. Here the topos is a monastery with its church and whatever belonged to it. (EA)

But who or what was “Kaukhios”?  I did a google search and … found that the passage has already been translated, in Butler’s The Arab Conquest of Egypt, p.185.f.  Here is Butler’s version, and the rather curious manner in which he quotes an original source without making clear which bits are him, and which are not.

Another, document the life of Samuel of Kalamun the original of which was certainly contemporary with Cyrus, shows so clearly the part which Cyrus himself took in the persecution, that one may be pardoned for quoting it at some length. The story tells how the Archbishop on coming to the monastery found it deserted except for the steward, who was scourged and questioned. The steward then said, ‘Samuel the ascetic held much discourse with the monks, calling you a blasphemer, a Chalcedonian Jew, an atheist, a man unworthy to celebrate the liturgy, unworthy of all communion : and the monks hearing this fled before your visit.’ At these words the impious blasphemer fell into a furious passion, and biting his lips he cursed the steward, the monastery, and the monks, and departed another way, ‘nor has he returned to this day,’ adds the chronicle 2. Then the brethren came back in peace to the convent. But as for the Kaukhios (Mukaukas), the Pseudo-Archbishop, he came to the city of Piom (Fayum), cherishing wrath in his heart. There he summoned his minions and ordered them to bring the holy Abba Samuel, his hands tied behind his back and an iron collar about his neck pushing him on like a thief. So they came to the convent where he abode and took him.

Samuel went rejoicing in the Lord and saying, ‘Please God, it will be given me this day to shed my blood for the name of Christ.’ Therefore he reviled the name of the Mukaukas with boldness, and was led before him by the soldiers. When the Mukaukas saw the man of God, he ordered the soldiers to smite him, till his blood ran like water. Then he said to him, ‘Samuel, you wicked ascetic, who is he that made you abbot of the monastery, and bade you teach the monks to curse me and my faith?’ Holy Abba Samuel answered, ‘It is good to obey God and His holy Archbishop Benjamin rather than obey you and your devilish doctrine, son of Satan, Antichrist, Beguiler.’ Cyrus bade the soldiers to smite him on the mouth, saying, ‘Your spirit is kindled, Samuel, because the monks glorify you as an ascetic : but I will teach you what

it is to speak evil of dignities, since you render me not the honour which is my due as Archbishop and my due as Controller of the Revenues of the land of Egypt.’ Samuel replied, ‘Satan also was controller, having angels under him : but his pride and unbelief estranged him from the glory of God. So with you also, O Chalcedonian Deceiver, your faith is defiled and you are more accursed than the devil and his angels.’ On hearing this, the Mukaukas was filled with fury against the saint, and signed to the soldiers to strike him dead. In a word the blasphemer essayed to slay the saint, but the ruler of the city of Piom delivered him out of his hands. When Cyrus saw that Samuel had escaped, he ordered him to be driven away from the mountain Neklone.

Butler footnotes various points, which may be seen at the Archive.org text.  But he also tells us that Amelineau republished the text in Mon. pour servir a l’Histoire de l’Egypte chretienne au IVe-VIIe siecles (Mem. Miss. Arch. Franc. au Caire, t.iv.2, pp.774 ff).

The actions and attitudes of Cyrus, the murderous melkite archbishop, sound like those of the litigious “bishops” of the modern American episcopalian church — all about power and money, dressed up in the language of Zion, and conducted with an utter contempt of right and wrong.  The wicked priest is always the same, it seems.  Nor should we be slow to say so, for we might recall that our Lord Jesus Christ himself was executed by the design of one such.

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All the classical MSS in Florence now online!

Two posts at the Evangelical Textual Criticism blog here and here — neither makes it quite clear — have made me aware that the Laurentian library in Florence has put online a mass of manuscripts! ETC only refer to Greek New Testament mss, but I discover that in fact it is all the Plutei collection.

This is the core collection of classical manuscripts at the library.  The Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, to give it its formal title, is the library of Lorenzo the Magnificent.  Florence was the home of the renaissance, the base of the rediscovery of the classics, and the great library of Nicolo Nicoli ended up in this collection.  There are treasures to be found there!

The opening words of manuscript M1 of Tacitus

Here are the two main Tacitus manuscripts.  M1 contains Annals 1-6, M2 contains Annals 11-16 plus the Histories.

Tertullian is also here, although the Conventi Soppressi collection is not included, which contains the most important manuscripts.

But a two volume copy of the Cluny Collection of his works is online:

Eusebius on the Psalms, in Greek?  Here.  Cicero, Seneca… they’re here.  In fact if you look at my digest of manuscripts of the Greek classics here, you will find that this collection contains Aelian and half a hundred others.

The search page is here:

http://teca.bmlonline.it/TecaRicerca/index.jsp

Just search for Tacitus, Tertullianus, Eusebius, and see what you get!

This is wonderful, wonderful news.  Suddenly it becomes possible for us all to consult these manuscripts.  Better still, you can download individual pages and do digital enhancement on them, if you need to.

Magic!  Well done the BML!

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How to justify the humanities in a time of cut-backs

I am a king. 

I sit in the hall of my ancestors, on a throne of gold and crystal.  My castle overlooks the land, where there are many towns.  I rule as my fathers have done, justly, that all may live in freedom and enjoy their property without fear of robbers or invaders or my own tax-gatherers.  Yet we are not savages, and every modern convenience is at our disposal.  But we have no university in our land.

Today some clerks came to see me.  They asked me to give them gold every year, to pursue their studies. 

I asked them why I should do so.  For while my land is not impoverished, my people are not wealthy, and I will not take one man’s goods to give them to another without true need.

One of the clerks talked largely and vaguely of the importance of their studies, and I put him aside as a blatherer.  But another spoke more to the purpose.

“O king,” he said, “This land needs learning, that it may prosper, that your people may become more numerous — which is the strength of any land — and your treasury overflow with gold.”

“Say on,” I told him.  “How do words in books lead to so pleasing an end?”

“Your land needs Chemistry, so that plastics may be made and other synthetic materials, all of them necessary to a society which depends on such things.”

I replied, “Fair enough.  Let some chemists be hired, then, and facilities for their work supplied.”

“O king, unless you are willing for this knowledge to be the property of a rival monarch, to be withheld at their whim, you must train your own folk to be chemists.”

“Let it be so, then,” I replied.

“A university, then, there must be, and means for the young to attend it for the period of study necessary.  There must also be jobs for them to occupy, to practice their craft, after they have trained, or the supply will quickly wither away.”

“This seems reasonable,” I said.  “I will pay for some of this, and those merchants in my land who profit from their labours will pay for more.”

“There are other forms of learning also, which your land will need, in a similar way.”

“Say on, most persuasive of clerks.”

“You will need physicists also, for their command of the properties of matter, without which no machines may be fabricated.  Mathematicians also are needed, to create the control mechanisms for computers and electronics of every kind.  Doctors we shall need, until a day comes when none of us get sick.”

“All this I agree to.”

“You will need the botanist, to collect and examine plants.  For how else do new drugs and medicines come into being?  And the blights that affect the crops may be cured, if we know enough about them.  Likewise the zoologist, for his knowledge of animals, unless your majesty considers that a diseased horse is one fit to ride.”

“Your university will not be small, it seems, and the cost will be high.”

“Yet the cost of not doing so is higher.  For all these things are necessities, and lands that do not have the means to produce the works of craft that arise from these skills are poor indeed.  The engineer, who can build roads and railways and bridges, must also be found. And then there are those whose skills are less obvious, but equally necessary.”

I asked, “Who are these?”

“Your courtiers rely much on persuasion, on words, and on casting ideas in a favourable light.  But unless a king is educated, how may be know truth from falsehood?”

“These seem like vague statements,” I said, not entirely patiently.

“When a king has a matter of statecraft to decide, does he not wish to know whether his choice is wise or not?  If he could see what the consequences of each choice might be, would he not choose to do so?  This knowledge may often be found in the deeds of past rulers, however far in the past.  Moreover many things that exist in the world today make little sense of themselves, unless we know how they came to be.  A man can only remember a short period of time, from his own youth onwards.  A man who loses that memory is at the mercy of others who know more.  He cannot even live an independent life.  But what if it were possible to extend your memory back before your own life, into the remote past?  Would not such a thing be of the highest utility to a ruler?”

“I can imagine that it is so.  The decisions of rulers, the laws they passed, the battles they fought, the speeches that were made for and against, and how men politicked with one another… it seems useful for a ruler to know this.”

“Thus your majesty’s university must include the historian, who gathers this knowledge and produces books containing it.  It must also contain those who know the languages and literature, both of other lands, and of times gone by; for how otherwise can a historian read the books of past times?  Likewise there must be libraries of knowledge and literature for the same purpose, and those whose task is to find and edit these texts.  No doubt it is not necessary to have many who are skilled in a dead language of limited modern relevance, but what ruler would not choose  to have such a man at his disposal, at need?”

I replied, “Very well, you may have these also, O glib one.  But what of the study of the religions of man, past and present?  Will you find me a reason why I should hire men to tell me of these also?”

He paused, and then spoke slowly.  “The ideas that men share and throw around influence the course of politics; not always, but often.  Men who can discuss these ideas should be available to your majesty.  There seems no pressing need for your majesty to fund the training of your majesty’s clergy — surely their own collections of money to fund their own activities can cover that.  Some study of the past of these movements would naturally form part of history.  But there would seem to be a limit to what your majesty should pay for.”

“Particularly when your own pocket will contribute to the tax I levy to pay for all this,” I grumbled.

“Likewise knowledge of the beliefs of the fanatic clergy in your majesty’s neighbouring states should be paid for, as a matter of intelligence gathering on potential foes.”

“Certainly”.

“And thus you see, your Majesty, that you need a university, and you need one with clerks skilled, not merely in metals and machines and the methods of their invention and production, but also with a knowledge of the humanities.  This is not for any indefinite purpose, but as source of information whereby you can rule better, achieve more, and whereby your land can prosper.  A prosperous land will fill your treasury with gold.”

He ceased speaking, and there seemed little more to say.  All that remained was the question of how many jobs I should fund, how many students were desirable or necessary in each area, and the number of establishments required to make the whole system work.  And this task I assigned to my steward, reminding him that gold did not grow on trees and that no clerk should doubt that he held his post as a favour, not as of right.

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The reputation of Amélineau

I spent part of yesterday evening updating the Wikipedia article on Émile Amélineau.  The old version described him as an archaeologist, but was oblivious to his work as a Coptologist.  More seriously it was unaware of the very serious criticisms levelled against his excavation work at Abydos by the great Flinders Petrie. 

Petrie more or less created Egyptian archaeology as a scientific discipline.  Prior to this, there was really only tomb raiding or treasure hunting.  Every anglophone archaeologist has been influenced by his work.  He was certainly egotistical. His 1931 publication Seventy years in archaeology mentions very few other Egyptologists — not even the discovery of Tutankhamun. 

When I was a boy, reading about Egyptology in the books of Leonard Cottrell, Amelineau was simply a villain.  This view has prevailed.  So it was quite a shock to find his endless publications of Coptic texts.  Often these are the only edition.  The Journal Asiatique is full of them, and then there are the great volumes of the works of Shenoute.

These too have not gone without criticism.  Modern coptologist Stephen Emmel, familiar from his role in the Gospel of Judas saga, has criticised them as containing many errors, but he acknowledges that no-one since has edited them.  We may recall that Emmel is editing some of the texts afresh, and so perhaps unconsciously he feels the need to justify the production of a new edition by drawing attention to the defects of the editio princeps

 I wish I could have found a French biography of Amelineau.  Petrie’s bitter remarks, written many years later, can only be one side of the story.  Doubtless Amelineau really did do wrong, and should never have attempted archaeology, for which he had no special qualifications.  But a balanced picture of the man must recognise his real contribution to scholarship.

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From my diary

An email drew my attention to an article by Amelineau in the Journal Asiatique for 1888,  Fragments coptes pour servir a l’histoire de la conquete de l’Egypte par les Arabes.  This gave two Coptic fragments with a French translation.  Let’s hear Amelineau introduce them.

If we except the two works to which I drew attention ten years ago[1], and of which I published the second here[2], we possess no other complete text in the Coptic language on the history of Egypt after the Muslim conquest.  While we await a happy accident that will discover another text, I believe we must think ourselves amply rewarded, during our research, if we put our hand on some fragment which deals with history, if not history as we understand it, at least history as it was known to the ancient Egyptians, and to their descendants, the Copts.

Last August, when I was researching at Oxford [3] the fragments of the works of that celebrated monk, Shenouda, I came across by accident two fragments in the Theban dialect, containing the history of two people very well known in Egypt at the time of the arrival of the Arabs.  One was a simple monk, the other the archbishop of Alexandria.  I believe it would not be without value to publish these, because they make known the state of feeling in Egypt during the last years of the Byzantine domination, and one of them perhaps gives us the solution to a historical enigma which has until now defied the efforts of the most competent and patient scholars.

The fragments which I publish today belong to the Clarendon Press in Oxford and have now been deposited in the Bodleian Library.  The first forms part of the life of Apa Samuel, a monk of the Nitrian desert, who finished his life at the Fayoum, a very little time before the arrival of the Arabs in Egypt.  The other belongs to a life of the patriarch Benjamin, in whose patriarchate Egypt escaped from the Greeks only to fall under the domination of new masters, as she was not slow to learn.

The first of these two fragments is composed of a double folio, paginated […] which was found in the middle of a quire.  This fragment, like the second, must have been purchased in Egypt at the end of the last century, and then sold to Woide.  (Woide himself could not have bought them in Egypt since he never went there[4]). 

The second is composed of four numbered folios […].  I have been unable to determine the age of the fragments, but it is quite clear from their content that this cannot be before the middle of the 7th century for the first, and perhaps the end of the same century for the second.  If we consider the place where Samuel and Benjamin lived, their lives must have been composed in the Memphis dialect, and a certain time must have elapsed before they were translated into the Theban dialect, or, at least, for the Theban author, if he was the first editor, to gather his materials.  Whatever the case, here are the fragments.

Perhaps I will translate these also at some point.

UPDATE: Some footnotes:

1. Cf. Mémoire sur deux documents coptes écrits sous la domination arabe in the Bulletin de l’Institut egyptien, 1885, p. 324-369.
2. Journal asiatique, févrer-mars 1887.
3. Here I must express my thanks for the generosity of Mr Guimet, who both sent me on the journey and made it possible for me to research a great deal of material which is of interest to science.
4. These fragments are not the only ones that Woide possessed.  There are around 150 others which I have copied, apart from 15 or 20.  Woide examined them to discover the Theban text of scripture; he seems to have studied them only from that point of view.

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