From my diary

A couple of interesting posts have caught my eye, which I thought I would share.

From AWOL:

Open Access ProQuest Dissertations & Theses (PQDT Open)

PQDT Open provides the full text of open access dissertations and theses free of charge.You can quickly and easily locate dissertations and theses  relevant to your discipline, and view the complete text in PDF format.  The authors of these dissertations and theses have opted to publish as open access. Open Access Publishing  is a new service offered by ProQuest’s UMI Dissertation Publishing. ProQuest expects to have many more open access dissertations and theses over  time.

The database includes hundreds of theses and dissertations related to antiquity from American academic  institutions.

For other aggregations of open access dissertations see also:

I have a question, tho.  ProQuest has made money by selling access to dissertations.  So what is the open source idea?  How does this work?  I think we have only part of the story here.

Another couple of items from the same source:

Johnson, Scott Fitzgerald, editor, Greek Literature in Late Antiquity: Dynamism, Didacticism, Classicism. Originally published in 2006 by Ashgate Books. Published online by permission of the editor.

Now that looks interesting!  I must get that.  And well done the editor for making it available now.

Next the Ehrman Project, mentioned at ETC and Evangelion.  The latter comments:

Michael Gorman draws attention to the launch of a website dedicated to engaging/refuting the various works of Prof. Bart D. Ehrman. It is called the Ehrman Project and it was actually begun by Miles O’Neil who works for UNC Chapel Hill where Ehrman is a Professor. Ehrman has written a number of works about textual criticism, the historical Jesus, the early church, God and Evil, etc. and ordinarily with the aim of debunking Christianity and promoting unbelief.

I respect Ehrman’s works greatly, esp. his early TC stuff. But I confess that I simply find it astounding that Ehrman will argue in one book that the biblical manuscripts are unreliable and corrupted and then in the next book he’ll use these corrupted manuscripts to reconstruct the historical figure of Jesus, Paul, Peter, Mary Magdalene, the whole early church. It is kinda like announcing that the emperor has no clothes in one book and in the next book criticizing what the emperor wore to the royal tea party. It’s one or the other!

Indeed it is.  Ehrman is doing great harm to all studies of ancient literature by convincing people that books cannot be transmitted from antiquity.  For instance today I also came across this announcement at PaleoJudaica, of a speech at the University of Tennesse:

Ehrman’s lecture is titled “Does The New Testament Contain Forgeries? The Surprising Claims of Modern Scholars” and is presented by UT’s Department of Religious Studies.

Why go to the Bible belt and introduce the claims of “modern scholars” by insulting their religion?  If I wanted to talk about scholarship, I wouldn’t start by trying to insult my chosen audience’s religion.  That would guarantee that they would not listen.  On the other hand, if I wanted to insult their religion, as my primary aim, of course I wouldn’t care about scholarship except as a means to an end.   I can’t help feeling that this is what is happening here.

I do wish I knew what Ehrman’s actual scholarly contribution was, tho.  Being outside NT studies, I don’t know.

Share

From my diary

An evening of uploading.  I’ve added a few more volumes of the RealEncyclopadie (all pre-1923, of course) to Archive.org, which will doubtless appear in the search in a few days.   There are now the first 16 volumes accessible there. 

I had an email from the German wikisource project, working on digitising the RE there.  It contained this very interesting observation:

Another trick question is the copyright status. Over 1100 people (mostly white European males) have been working for the RE from 1891 to 1978 under the seven editors. The copyright (as viewed by German and European jurisdiction) rests in the single authors which we at Wikisource document here: http://de.wikisource.org/wiki/RE/A

Strictly speaking, a volume is, as a whole, in copyright as long as any author who contributed to it is not in the Public Domain. For example in case of vol. I [publ. 1893/1894], the Tübingen Professor Wilhelm Schmid (who died in 1951) was supposedly the last surviving contributer, so this volume won’t be PD (as a whole) before 2022. There are, also, authors who died before they could see their articles published (for example Heinr. Wilh. Schaefer and Leop. Schmidt who died in 1892). As for the more recent authors: The oldest surviving author has to be Emmanuel Kriaras (b. 1906 and still very active in Thessaloniki); the youngest is Herbert Bannert (b. 1950).

Isn’t that absurd?  That a volume published in 1893 is in copyright now, in Germany?  No doubt the Germans set up the EU copyright as well.

Someone also wrote to me to say that volume 1 of Cyril of Alexandria’s commentary on John (English version, 1874, by P.E.Pusey) has vanished from Archive.org.  A quick visit, and it had indeed been withdrawn, for unspecified “issues”.  It can’t be copyright, so this is weird.  I ended up making my own PDF from the image scans I made back in 2005, and uploading it here.    I didn’t crop the pages from the photocopies, since back in 2005 Google Books didn’t exist and I was uploading HTML scans.  So it’s a bit rough, but will do the job.

I’ve been mirroring my Google mail account to my hard disk.  Since I started using it in January 2008, I have sent or received 9,790 emails.  Um.  I wonder how long that took, and what I could have been doing more usefully in the time!  I can’t easily count the number of emails in my main client — must be a frightening number!

I’d hoped to start proof-checking the Latin of Eusebius this evening, but it will have to wait until tomorrow now.

Share

Article wanted

Does anyone have a copy of Reeve, Michael D., “The Transmission of Vegetius’s Epitoma rei militaris,” Aevum 74 (2000) 479-99 that they could let me have?  Less important, but also interesting would be Shrader, Charles R., “A Handlist of Extant Manuscripts Containing the De re militari of Flavius Vegetius Renatus,” Scriptorium 33, no. 2 (1979), 280-305.

Many thanks!

Share

Thinking of Libya

In the spring a young man’s fancy, lightly turns to thoughts of foreign holidays, as Tennyson might have remarked in Locksley Hall, but, obsessed with his piffling love affair, for some reason did not.  The sun broke through the incessant rain yesterday, giving that bright winter sunshine which always reminds me of the Mediterranean. 

I found myself remembering two trips to Libya, taken with Cox and Kings, who do a very nice Libyan Long Weekend tour.  So I did a Google search, and found myself looking at their Classical Libya tour.  By coincidence the next one is on the 19th February, the day after my current contract at work finishes, so I could take a week then without fear of disappointing my clients. 

On holiday, the hotel is all.  I’ve stayed at the Corinthia in Tripoli, which was truly excellent.  But this tour would also take you to Benghazi, to visit Cyrene and Apollonia, which means two nights over there.

Geographically the country is fundamentally two countries, linked by a narrow strip along the coast.  The area around Cyrene had and has a very different culture to that around Tripoli.  In ancient times the former was Greek, while the latter was Punic or Latin.  Even today, the two populations have local loyalties which outweigh any idea of “Libya” as a whole.

So to visit Cyrene means staying at some rather less good hotel.  The page lists the Al-Manara, which doesn’t get too bad a write up in TripAdvisor, except as being very noisy.  Maybe I should consider it.  I must admit that I have always wanted to go there.

But the instability in Tunisia raises questions.  Will it spread to Libya, one wonders?

Perhaps the answer is to book, and merely ensure one has good cancellation travel insurance.  I admit that I am still irked, a year on, that Voyages Jules Verne, and their partner in crime, europAssistance insurance, helped themselves to $350 of my money under various pretexts when I had to cancel my trip to Syria last year.  I don’t need a repeat performance.

I also looked for their Libyan Long Weekend tour, which I remember so fondly.  I notice the price has dropped quite a bit — a consequence of the recession, no doubt.  But that doesn’t go until April.

Hmm, what to do?  Probably sort out the insurance first, I suspect.

Share

Eusebius update

Regular readers will know that I commissioned a translation of all the fragments of Eusebius of Caesarea’s Gospel problems and solutions.  This meant translating from Greek, Latin, Syriac, Coptic and Christian Arabic.  The plan is to sell a book version of the result (with facing text and translation), and, once that has sold whatever it sells, to put the translation online. 

Bob the typesetter has worked his magic, and has sent me back the Latin and Coptic for reproofing, which I will do as soon as I get a few hours.  I was thinking that the Syriac needed to be bumped up a point size or two, but I couldn’t see why on reexamining the printed proof last night.  Maybe it was just winter evenings and inadequate lighting, perhaps?

I’ve also read through the astrological texts I mentioned a couple of posts ago.  These are fine, but entirely technical in nature.  Mind you, one gives the horoscope for the emperor Hadrian!

Share

More Papias fragments

Tom Schmidt writes:

I added 11 new fragments to my page on Papias. I also gave parallel translations from the Syriac and Greek of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History and Armenian and Greek of Andrew of Caesarea’s Commentary on Revelation among other things as well.

All very useful to us all!

Share

Did the Adonia last two days?

I have been hunting around for the origins of the following statement, which I first found in the Wikipedia article on the Adonia (the festival of Adonis), and then as copied from Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, p.14:

ADOʹNIA (Ἀδώνια), a festival celebrated in honour of Aphrodite and Adonis in most of the Grecian cities, as well as in numerous places in the East. It lasted two days, and was celebrated by women exclusively. On the first day they brought into the streets statues of Adonis, which were laid out as corpses; and they observed all the rites customary at funerals, beating themselves and uttering lamentations. The second day was spent in merriment and feasting; because Adonis was allowed to return to life, and spend half of the year with Aphrodite. (Aristoph. Pax, 412, Schol. ad loc.; Plut. Alcib. 18, Nic. 13). For fuller particulars respecting the worship and festivals of Adonis, see Dict. of Biogr. s.v. Adonis.a

A Google books search on “adonis adonia two days” gives some interesting results.  In the Analytical review: or history of literature, domestic and foreign …, Volume 8 of 1790, page 292, we get this (and the plain text version given at Google was extraordinarily good, given the very old font and long-s):

‘ P. 11. ADONIA, solemn feasts in honour of Venus, and in memory of her beloved Adonis. The Adonia were observed with great solemnity by molt nations. Greeks, Phœnicians, Lycians, Syrians, Egyptians, &c. From Syria they are supposed to have passed into India. The prophet Ezekiel is understood to speak of them. They were still observed at Alexandria in the time of St. Cyril, and at Antioch in that of Julian the apostate, whose arrival there during the solemnity was taken for an ill omen. The Adonia lasted two days, on the first of which certain images of Venus and Adonis were carried with all the pomp and ceremonies practised at funerals ; the women wept, rent their hair, beat their breasts, &c. imitating the cries and lamentations of Venus for the death of her paramour. This rite called Adwniasm?, the Syrians were not contented with observing so far as respected the weeping, but also gave themselves discipline, shaved their heads, &c.—Among the Egyptians the queen herself used to bear the image of Adonis in procession. The women carried along with them shells filled with earth, in which grew several sorts of herbs, especially lettuces, in memory of Adonis having been laid out by Venus upon, a bed of lettuce. These were called khpoi, or gardens ; whence Adwnnidoj khpoi are proverbially applied to things unfruitful, or fading ; because those herbs were only sown so long before the festival as to sprout forth and be green at that time, and then were presently thrown into the water. The flutes used upon this day were called ?????, from ?????, which was the Phœnician name of Adonis. This sacrifice was termed kaqedra, probably because the days of mourning used to be called by that name. The following day was spent in every expression of mirth and joy, in memory of Venus’s having obtained the favour of Proserpina, that Adonis should return to life, and live with her one half of the year. According to Meursius, the two offices of mourning and rejoicing made two distinct feasts, which were held at different times of the year, the one six months after the other, Adonis being supposed to pass half the year with Proserpina, and the other half with Venus. St. Cyril mentions an extraordinary ceremony practised by the Alexandrians: a letter was written to the women of Byblos, to inform them that Adonis was found again : this letter was thrown into the sea, which, it was pretended, failed not to convey it to Byblos in, seven days, upon receipt of which the Byblian women ceased their mourning, sung his praises, and made rejoicings as if he were restored to life. The Egyptian Adonia are said by some, to have been held in memory of the death of Osiris ; by others, of his sickness and recovery. Bishop Patrick dates their origin, from the slaughter of the first born under Moses. The Adonia were otherwise called Salambo.

No question but this is the same narrative, but with references to Cyril of Alexandria and Julian the Apostate, and also a reference to Meursius who also turns up in the Wikipedia article.  No references, tho.  An evidently derived source is here (1816), with the extra snippet that “the Abbe Banier wrote a memoir on the subject”.  There are several early 19th century reference books, all containing the same material it seems.

John E. Thorburn, The Facts On File companion to classical drama, p.11, gives the story again:

A Greek festival (usually lasting two days) that honored Adonis.  The first day of the festival involved mourning for Adonis’ disappearance; the second day was devoted to a search for his body by the community’s women, with whom the Adonia was quite popular.  This ritual search celebrated Adonis’ return to life and a six-month reunion with his lover, Aphrodite (compare the arrangement among Hades, Persephone and Demeter).  The festival first appears in the fifth century B.C.E. {sic} but may not have been officially sanctioned by the Athenian government during that time.  [Ancient sources: Aristophanes, Peace, 420; Plato, Phaedrus, 276b].

Bibliography:

Detienne, M., The gardens of Adonis: spices in Greek mythology.  Translated from the French by Janet Lloyd.  Introduction by J. P. Vernant.  Hassocks.  U.K.: Harvester Press, 1977.

Simms, R. Mourning and community at the Athenian Adonia, Classical Journal 93, no. 2 (1997-8), 121-144.

Sommerstein, A. H., The comedies of Aristophanes, vol. 5. Peace, Warminster, U.K.: Aris & Philips, 1985, 152.

Well, that gives us some modern references to search for ancient sources at the very least.  A preview of Detienne is here, which apparently does not contain the words “two days”.  I have located a pirate copy of the book, which I will consult.  Let us see whether it gives us ancient sources for the claims above.  It would be nice to have the Simms article, but I don’t have access to that.

The passage in Plato is the following (full English here; Perseus here):

Phaedr. You mean the living word of knowledge which has a soul, and of which written word is properly no more than an image?

Soc. Yes, of course that is what I mean. And now may I be allowed to ask you a question: Would a husbandman, who is a man of sense, take the seeds, which he values and which he wishes to bear fruit, and in sober seriousness plant them during the heat of summer, in some garden of Adonis, that he may rejoice when he sees them in eight days appearing in beauty? at least he would do so, if at all, only for the sake of amusement and pastime. But when he is in earnest he sows in fitting soil, and practises husbandry, and is satisfied if in eight months the seeds which he has sown arrive at perfection?

Not much in this, I’m afraid.

UPDATE: The excellent Charles Anthon comes to our rescue in his A Classical Dictionary, p.18, 1869 (There seem to be several editions of this book; the earlier ones have different and less useful text).  The “two day” concept is attributed to Lucian, De dea Syria.   Here’s what he says:

ADONIA, a festival in honour of Adonis, celebrated both at Byblus in Phoenicia, and in most of the Grecian cities. Lucian (de Syria Dea. — vol. 9, p. 88, seqq., ed. Bip.) has left us an account of the manner in which it was held at Byblus. According to this writer, it lasted during two days, on the first of which every, thing wore an appearance of sorrow, and the death of the favourite of Venus was indicated by public mourning. On the following day, however, the aspect of things underwent a complete change, and the greatest joy prevailed on account of the fabled resurrection of Adonis from the dead. During this festival the priests of Byblus shaved their heads, in imitation of the priests of Isis in Egypt. In the Grecian cities, the manner of holding this festival was nearly, if not exactly, the same with that followed in Phoenicia. On the first day all the citizens put themselves in mourning; coffins were exposed at every door; the statues of Venus and Adonis were borne in procession, with certain vessels full of earth, in which the worshippers had raised com, herbs, and lettuce, and these vessels were called the gardens of Adonis (‘Adwnij kh/poi). After the ceremony was over they were thrown into the sea or some river, where they soon perished, and thus became emblems of the premature death of Adonis, who had fallen, like a young plant, in the flower of his age. (Histoire du Culte d’Adonis: Mem. Acad, des Inscrip, etc., vol. 4, p. 136, seqq.Dupuis, Origine de Cultes, vol. 4, p. 118, seqq., cd. 1822.— Valckenaer, ad Theoc. Adwniuz in Arg.) The lettuce was used among the other herbs on this occasion, because Venus was fabled to have deposited the dead body of her favourite on a bed of lettuce. In allusion to this festival, the expression ‘Adwnioj khpoi became proverbial, and was applied to whatever perished previous to the period of maturity. (Adagia Veterum, p. 410.) Plutarch relates, in his life of Nicias, that the expedition against Syracuse set sail from the harbours of Athens, at the very time when the women of that city were celebrating the mournful part of the festival of Adonis, during which there were to be seen, in every quarter of the city, images of the dead, and funeral processions, the women accompanying them with dismal lamentations. Hence an unfavourable omen was drawn of the result of the expedition, which the event but too fatally realized. Theocritus, in his beautiful Idyll entitled A)dwniazousai, has left us an account of the part of this grand anniversary spectacle termed h( eu)resij, the finding,” i. e., the resurrection of Adonis, the celebration of it having been made by order of Arsinoe, queen of Ptolemy Fhiladelphus. Boettiger (Sabina, p. 265) has a very ingenious idea in relation to the fruits exhibited on this joyful occasion. He thinks it impossible, that even so powerful a queen as Arsinoe should be able to obtain in the spring of the year, when this festival was always celebrated, fruits which had attained their full maturity (w~ria). He considers it more than probable that they were of wax. This conjecture will also furnish another, and perhaps a more satisfactory, explanation of the phrase Adwnioj khpoi, denoting things whose exterior promised fairly, while there was nothing real or substantial within. Adonis was the same deity with the Syrian Tammuz, whose festival was celebrated even by the Jews, when they degenerated into idolatry (Ezekiel, 8, 14); and Tammuz is the proper Syriac name for the Adonis of the Greeks. (Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. ii., p. 86 ) (Vid Adonis.)

It’s quite a journey, this, in the underworld of ideas, repeated from one encyclopedia to another.  And if we look at Lucian, online here, do we find our two day festival, with Adonis alive on the second day?  We do not (* see below, tho).  And we find a great mess of syncretistic ideas, some relating to Attis and the Galli, not Adonis.

6. I saw too at Byblos a large temple, 10 sacred to the Byblian Aphrodite 11: this is the scene of the secret rites of Adonis: I mastered these. They assert that the legend about Adonis and the wild boar is true, 12 and that the facts occurred in their country, and in memory of this calamity they beat their breasts and wail every year, and perform their secret ritual amid signs of mourning through the whole countryside. When they have finished their mourning and wailing, they sacrifice in the first place to Adonis, as to one who has departed this life: after this they allege that he is alive again, and exhibit his effigy to the sky. They proceed to shave their heads, 13 too, like the Egyptians on the loss of their Apis. The women who refuse to be shaved have to submit to the following penalty, viz., to stand for the space of an entire day in readiness to expose their persons for hire. The place of hire is open to none but foreigners, and out of the proceeds of the traffic of these women a sacrifice to Aphrodite is paid. 14

A. J. M. Wedderburn, Baptism and Resurrection, (1987) pp.201-2 gives us more.  He too thinks that De dea Syria means a two day festival — reading “at the end of” as “on the day after”.  But we also learn that Cyril talks about the “resurrection” of Adonis in the Commentary on Isiah, 18.1 f. (PG 70, 441AB), and compares this with Procopius of Gaza, PG 87.2, 2140AB).  This is the most interesting reference yet.  But I must leave it for another time.

UPDATE: Andrew Eastbourne has written to correct the above:

For what it’s worth, the passage from Lucian *does* in fact explicitly say “on the next day” — the translation of De Dea Syria is faulty in that spot.  Here is the Greek of the relevant sentence (from TLG) with the words underlined:  μετὰ δὲ τῇ ἑτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ ζώειν τέ μιν μυθολογέουσι καὶ ἐς τὸν ἠέρα πέμπουσι καὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς ξύρονται ὅκως Αἰγύπτιοι ἀποθανόντος Ἄπιος.

Share

Locating the Golden Bough online

One of the primary sources of material used by atheists for “Jesus = <insert god here>” is J. Frazer’s The Golden Bough, 1911.  In my experience, whenever I look at this kind of material, it is always worth checking what Frazer said.  In my case I want to find the origin of some curious statements about the Adonia.

His book is well referenced, if you go directly to it.  He’s the only author I have ever come across to know of 6th century Syriac author Thomas of Edessa, or to have read the Latin version — the only version ever made — of his De nativitate.  Yet read it he must have done, for he refers (correctly) to the fact that Thomas says the pagans even in his day celebrated a solar festival at Christmas-time.

A single volume abridgement is accessible at Gutenberg.  But it came as rather a shock to discover that the original was actually in twelve volumes!  I tried to locate this on Google books in vain; a search on Archive.org was better.

To locate all 12 volumes, use this link.

Share

What is Bombycin?

I mentioned that one of the manuscripts of Photius’ Lexicon was written on ‘bombycin’, and a commenter has asked what this is.   It’s Arabic paper, used widely in Byzantium from the 9th century onwards until superceded by western methods of paper manufacture.

One of the key references is J. Irigoin, Les premiers manuscrits grecs écrits sur papiers et le problème du bombycin, Scriptorium 4 (1950), 194-202; and this was reprinted in Dieter Harlfinger’s Griechische Kodikologie, p. 132.  And I happen to own a copy of Harlfinger.  Here is a quick translation of the opening portion of his article:

Ever since Bernard de Montfaucon, textbooks on Greek paleography have distinguished two types of paper used in manuscripts; bombycin paper, of oriental origin, and western paper.

Until the end of the 19th century, it was believed that bombycin paper was made with cotton, which neatly distinguished it from western paper which was made from old rags (hence the name, rag paper) made of linen.  Around 1885, the work of Briquet, at Geneva, and of Wiesner and Karabacek at Vienna has shown that “cotton paper” is a myth; oriental paper was made with linen fibres, and bombycin is a linen paper just like western paper.  The only difference between the two papers is the choice of product used to hold it together; starch in the east, and gelatine in the west.

Paleographers have all the same continued to use the adjective bombycinus to designate manuscripts written on paper of oriental origin, in opposition to chartacei, written on paper made in the west.  All the same, the distinction between the two papers is far from simple and recent catalogues of Greek mss. label as chartaceus all manuscripts on paper, without giving any indication of the origin of the material.

As a general rule, paleographers state that bombycin is of a more or less obvious brown colour.  It is thick and opaque, often fluffy at the edges of the leaves; it is this which gives it sometimes the appearance of blotting paper, and it happens sometimes that the bombycin disintegrates at the surface, which is very unfortunate for the text written on it.  Western paper is less obviously coloured, thinner and better glued together, and on holding up to the light the marks left by the manufacturing process, the mesh, and eventually the watermark.  The latter appears sporadically in the last 20 years of the 13th century, and generally from the 14th century on.

This rule appears clear and certain.  In fact it is not so clear, and it often  happens that one hesitates as to whether thick paper does or does not show the marks of the process, and in cases of doubt it tends to be called bombycin.

My work has made it possible for me to study a certain number of Greek mss.  I have examined with care those which are said to be written on bombycin, and this has led me to the following conclusion: many of the manuscripts listed as bombycins in the most recent publications show watermarks and are thus written on western paper.  I shall limit myself to three series of examples.

Irigoin then goes on to detail his work, and to draw up more precise guidelines for identifying bombycin.  After studying more than 200 Greek paper manuscripts written before 1300, he felt able to state with confidence which was which.  The blotting paper effect was unusual rather than characteristic, for instance.  He also looked at Arabic manuscripts, which used paper from the 9th century onwards.  There he found that most used the same kind of paper, suggesting that they were written in the Near East, in the region from where the Byzantine empire imported its paper at that period.

He also points out that paper sizes were different in the orient and in the west.  The oldest manuscript he could find written on western paper was from 1255 A.D.    He also mentions the first known Greek ms. written on paper — Ms. Vatican. gr. 2200, written at Damascus ca. 800 A.D., in an archaising cursive, and suggests that it was a one-off.  The next known ms. is Vatican gr. 504, from 1105, written partly on paper and partly on parchment.  But literary references indicate that paper was being used by the middle of the 11th century.  Western paper, imported from Italy, starts to appear in Byzantium in the middle of the 13th century.  In the 14th century, and especially after 1340, paper replaces parchment almost entirely.  Oriental paper declined in quality during the first years of the 14th century, and disappears.  It is used rarely after 1350, and hardly ever after 1380.  Political and economic factors prevented the Byzantines from trading to the east, and the Turkish threat forced them to look west.  Irigoin adds:

In conclusion, a manuscript written on oriental paper must be placed between the middle of the 11th century and 1380.

and finishes by listing technical details.

Share