An article on the life and works of the Coptic saint Pisentios

Dioscorus Boles has written an excellent article on one of the Coptic Fathers: An aid to the study of St. Pisentios, bishop of Coptos: his life and two famous letters.  Even the most detailed patrologies give little information about this 7th century Father, but his life and letters are important among the Coptic Fathers. 

Dioscorus has linked to the primary sources, in several languages, and English and French translations.  The first letter is an exhortation to his flock not to convert to Islam; the second belongs to Coptic apocalyptic literature. 

Very useful – thank you!

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From my diary

Over the weekend I decided to order a copy of Diogenes Laertius in the Loeb Classical Library, for purposes of personal reading.  I already had a PDF of the book, but you can’t really read a PDF.

Today the book arrived.  Interestingly there was a new introduction in it, with some interesting details about the translator, and a discussion of the work and the manuscripts by the editor of the 1960’s critical edition.  Both were useful, and very nice to have.

Another parcel of books arrived, these for light reading, and “delivered” by  the “Home Delivery Network” by the device of tossing the package over the garden gate into whatever lay on the other side.  I do wish Amazon would stop using that courier, tho.

But, more significantly, a card was on the mat indicating that the post had attempted to deliver a parcel of some heft.  That, I suspect, is the proof for the Eusebius!  Tomorrow I shall go and get it from the depot. 

Cross your fingers for me.  If the proof is OK — and it will have to be very defective for me to stop things now — then I will hit the button and put the book into print.

The inhumanly long days of my business trip last week have had their inevitable consequence, and I have been laid low with a temperature today.  Apologies to anyone who is awaiting a response to an email.

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Josephus and his assistants

In Contra Apionem book 1, 50, (p.183 of the Loeb) we find the following interesting statement about how Josephus worked on the Jewish War:

Then, in the leisure that Rome afforded me, with all my materials in readiness, and with the aid of some assistants for the sake of the Greek, at last I committed to writing my narrative of the events.

It is useful to see this.  It is a reminder that the process of composition may not be straightforward, and the presence of such “assistants” should be considered, when we attempt to draw conclusions based upon stylistic considerations.

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From my diary

I’ve just got back from a rather ridiculous business trip, where the company made no concessions to human nature in its demands for long hours and travel.  Silly people.

I’ve finished reading Aulus Gellius, and have moved onto Josephus Contra Apionem in the Loeb, which I found in my pile of books to be disposed of.  It’s not very interesting, but it has quite a bit of chronology stuff in it.  He quotes Manetho, for instance.

But you find yourself wondering, after a while.  Did Josephus really have access to the history of Castor, from the 2nd century BC?  It seems unlikely.  More probably, he is quoting “Castor” at second hand, from some later writer. 

Anyone who writes a chronicle is liable to find his work incorporated in a later, more comprehensive, work.  This is because a chronicle should run up to the present day, and so is inevitably superseded by later works, in a way that is not true for other forms of literature.  Thus we get authors such as Alexander Polyhistor, quoting people like Berossus, and then people like Eusebius quoting both while, perhaps, only having read the former.  It is natural and inevitable.

The other interesting thing I have seen so far in Contra Apionem is a statement that the Jewish War was written with the aid of secretaries, for the sake of the Greek.

The proof of the Eusebius book has been ordered, and should arrive soon.

Work on the Origen book has resumed!  But I am too cross-eyed tonight to look at the new files.

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Eusebius update

Apparently the proof hasn’t even been ordered.  I did what Lightning Source asked; I queried progress several times; but they tell me today that this was wrong, apparently. 

They’ve now asked me to do something different, on their useless online system.  But their “instructions” do not work. I can’t even work out how to do it.  So another email back asking for clarification.

In my opinion Lightning Source are the most useless bunch of idiots that I have ever had the displeasure to work with.  Never, ever, do business with them if you can avoid it.

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Pythagoras is full of beans!

From Aulus Gellius’ Attic Nights, book 4, chapter 11, we find this curious tale about Pythagoras, the philosopher well-known for his vegetarianism and opposition to eating beans.  It is, perhaps, from an anti-Pythagoras source.

11. The nature of the information which Aristoxenus has handed down about Pythagoras on the ground that it was more authoritative; and also what Plutarch wrote in the same vein about that same Pythagoras.

An erroneous belief of long standing has established itself and become current, that the philosopher Pythagoras did not eat of animals: also that he abstained from the bean, which the Greeks call κύαμος. In accordance with that belief the poet Callimachus wrote:

I tell you too, as did Pythagoras,
Withhold your hands from beans, a hurtful food.

Also, as the result of the same belief, Marcus Cicero wrote these words in the first book of his work On Divination:  “Plato therefore bids us go to our sleep in such bodily condition that there may be nothing to cause delusion and disturbance in our minds. It is thought to be for that reason too that the Pythagoreans were forbidden to eat beans, a food that produces great flatulency, which is disturbing to those who seek mental calm.”

So then Cicero. But Aristoxenus the musician, a man thoroughly versed in early literature, a pupil of the philosopher Aristotle, in the book On Pythagoras which he has left us, says that Pythagoras used no vegetable more often than beans, since that food gently loosened the bowels and relieved them. I add Aristoxenus’ own words:  “Pythagoras among vegetables especially recommended the bean, saying that it was both digestible and loosening; and therefore he most frequently made use of it.”

Aristoxenus also relates that Pythagoras ate very young pigs and tender kids. This fact he seems to have learned from his intimate friend Xenophilus the Pythagorean and from some other older men, who lived not long after the time of Pythagoras. And the same information about animal food is given by the poet Alexis, in the comedy entitled “The Pythagorean Bluestocking.”  Furthermore, the reason for the mistaken idea about abstaining from beans seems to be, that in a poem of Empedocles, who was a follower of Pythagoras, this line is found:

O wretches, utter wretches, from beans withhold your hands.

For most men thought that κυάμους meant the vegetable, according to the common use of the word. But those who have studied the poems of Empedocles with greater care and knowledge say that here κυάμους refers to the testicles, and that after the Pythagorean manner they were called in a covert and symbolic way κύαμοι, because they are the cause of pregnancy and furnish the power for human generation: and that therefore Empedocles in that verse desired to keep men, not from eating beans, but from excess in venery.

Plutarch too, a man of weight in scientific matters, in the first book of his work On Homer wrote that Aristotle gave the same account of the Pythagoreans: namely, that except for a few parts of the flesh they did not abstain from eating animals. Since the statement is contrary to the general belief, I have appended Plutarch’s own words:  “Aristotle says that the Pythagoreans abstained from the matrix, the heart, the ἀκαλήφη and some other such things, but used all other animal food.” Now the ἀκαλήφη is a marine creature which is called the sea-nettle. But Plutarch in his Table Talk says that the Pythagoreans also abstained from mullets.

But as to Pythagoras himself, while it is well known that he declared that he had come into the world as Euphorbus, what Cleanthes and Dicaearchus have recorded is less familiar—that he was afterwards Pyrrhus Pyranthius, then Aethalides, and then a beautiful courtesan, whose name was Alco.

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From my diary

I’ve discovered that volume 3 of the Abeloos and Lamy edition of Bar Hebraeus Chronicon Ecclestiasticum is available from Kessinger in a reprint.  Not that you will discover this from the Kessinger site; but if you go to www.abebooks.com, and search by title, it’s there.

Ordered one this evening!

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For sale: two slave girls. Slightly used.

In the Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius, in book 4, chapter 2, there is an interesting passage on the buying and selling of slaves.  Here it is:

2. On the difference between a disease and a defect, and the force of those terms in the aediles’ edict; also whether eunuchs and barren women can be returned, and the various views as to that question.

The edict of the curule aediles, in the section containing stipulations about the purchase of slaves, reads as follows: “See to it that the sale ticket of each slave be so written that it can be known exactly what disease or defect each one has, which one is a runaway or a vagabond, or is still under condemnation for some offence.”

Therefore the jurists of old raised the question of the proper meaning of a “diseased slave” and one that was “defective,” and to what degree a disease differed from a defect.  Caelius Sabinus, in the book which he wrote On the Edict of the Curule Aediles, quotes Labeo, as defining a disease in these terms: “Disease is an unnatural condition of any body, which impairs its usefulness.”  But he adds that disease affects sometimes the whole body and at other times a part of the body. That a disease of the whole body is, for example, consumption or fever, but of a part of the body anything like blindness or lameness.  “But,” he continues, “one who stutters or stammers is defective rather than diseased, and a horse which bites or kicks has faults rather than a disease. But one who has a disease is also at the same time defective. However, the converse is not also true; for one may have defects and yet not be diseased. Therefore in the case of a man who is diseased,” says he, “it will be just and fair to state to what extent ‘the price will be less on account of that defect.’ “

With regard to a eunuch in particular it has been inquired whether he would seem to have been sold contrary to the aediles’ edict, if the purchaser did not know that he was a eunuch.  They say that Labeo ruled that he could be returned as diseased; and that Labeo also wrote that if sows were sterile and had been sold, action could be brought on the basis of the edict of the aediles.  But in the case of a barren woman, if the barrenness were congenital they say that Trebatius gave a ruling opposed to that of Labeo.  For while Labeo thought that she could be returned as unsound, they quote Trebatius as declaring that no action could be taken on the basis of the edict, if the woman had been born barren. But if her health had failed, and in consequence such a defect had resulted that she could not conceive, in that case she appeared to be unsound and there was ground for returning her.

With regard to a short-sighted person too, one whom we call in Latin luscitiosus, there is disagreement; for some maintain that such a person should be returned in all cases, while others on the contrary hold that he can be returned only if that defect was the result of disease.

Servius indeed ruled that one who lacked a tooth could be returned, but Labeo said that such a defect was not sufficient ground for a return: “For,” says he, “many men lack some one tooth, and most of them are no more diseased on that account, and it would be altogether absurd to say that men are not born sound, because infants come into the world unprovided with teeth.”

I must not omit to say that this also is stated in the works of the early jurists, that the difference between a disease and a defect is that the latter is lasting, while the former comes and goes.  But if this be so, contrary to the opinion of Labeo, which I quoted above, neither a blind man nor a eunuch is diseased.

I have added a passage from the second book of Masurius Sabinus On Civil Law: “A madman or a mute, or one who has a broken or crippled limb, or any defect which impairs his usefulness, is diseased. But one who is by nature near-sighted is as sound as one who runs more slowly than others.”

The works referred to here are all lost, of course.

There is something rather humorous in all this, as if the buyer might complain to the local council that he had been swindled by a rogue trader.

The slaves of the Roman world had two sources.  The first sort of slave was one who had been abandoned as an infant by its parents, under the custom of “exposing” unwanted children.  The second sort was a prisoner taken in war.

The first sort could well be a Roman by birth, of good health and even of noble blood sometimes.  What sort of slave turned up in the second class would depend on the origin of the prisoner.  Cicero complains in one of his letters that slaves from Britain are not likely to be much good for anything except hard labour, and certainly not skilled in various professions like Greek slaves.  In another letter, written while after a battle in Asia Minor, he remarks that the prisoners are being sold as he writes and that there are so many thousand sesterces on the block.  Their fates are unknown.

It is worth remembering the casual inhumanity of the ancient world; an inhumanity that ceased to exist in the western world with the fall of the Roman empire, even though serfdom then arose.  The exploitation of the Africans was an abberation, driven by profit.  But the ancient world took slavery for granted, and the consequences thereof.

Probably in most western cities a woman or two will be raped most weekends.  In ancient cities thousands of women were degraded thus every night.  It was Constantine who prohibited this evil custom, although, like nearly all edicts of late emperors, we may presume that the edict was largely not put into effect.  But in that single comparison we may see one part of what Christ did for the world, even for those who did not know Him.

Postscript.  After writing that post, somewhat naively I sought to find an image online to illustrate “two slave-girls for sale”.   I will not trouble readers with any of the improbable images that I found.

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What did the Romans eat? – by N. S. Gill

The ancient history blog by N. S. Gill at About.com is in my RSS reader, so I see the posts there.  For some time I have noticed that the posts have begun to be very useful indeed, and, better yet, well-referenced!  That is such an improvement on the posts that I saw in former times.  It may be, if you have got into the habit of skipping the posts there, that you might wish to revisit the site.

Today’s post is What did the Romans eat?  If you can avoid the adverts embedded on all sides, it actually is a splendid piece of work.  It consists of a series of references to ancient food writers, with a summary of what they have to say, and even links to online versions of the text.  It positively shoves the reader at the data.  And this, of course, is what every classical blogger should seek to do; to breed in his readers the habit of asking to see the raw data for any statement  made.

The article is very short, of course — they all are.  The secondary reference at the end will be sound, I have no doubt.

Some of the authors referenced are not online.  Galen, inevitably, is not.  Apicius is online in Latin, but no link is given to an English version, although I find that the excellent Bill Thayer has tracked one down and placed it online here.  There is no facility to add comments to the post at About.com, or I would have linked it there too.

I don’t know that many of us would write an article on Roman food.  Well done, N.S.Gill, for doing so.

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From my diary

While turning out a drawer, I came across two old CD’s, containing photographs taken in Egypt a long time ago.  They were, indeed, Kodak PhotoCD’s.  The original photographs were on film, taken 20 years ago, and then I paid for them to be placed on disk.  The disk could be read on pretty much any CD player, so I never worried about them.  Indeed I thought of them as future-proof.

Until now.  For I find that the images are now obsolete.  Windows 7 doesn’t open the files.  Who’d have thought it?

I find that PaintShop Pro 6 — a very old version — will open them, but they don’t look at all right, but rather dull.

I’ve found software that purports to convert .pcd to .jpg — but I haven’t tried it.  There are, inevitably “settings” and the like, obscure to people like me and a drain on time we do not have.  I don’t want to learn about the internals — I just want my photos!

It’s a warning to us all.  Don’t leave things in old formats.  It may become harder than you think to access them!

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