Chrysostom’s letters – more translations at Academia.edu, this time from Wendy Mayer

A couple of days ago I mentioned the 30-odd letters by John Chrysostom which had appeared in draft form at Academia.edu, and the project (not mine) to translate the lot.

Today I learn that Chrysostom scholar Wendy Mayer has also uploaded some draft translations of letters by Chrysostom.  They may be found here, and look very good indeed.  It is great to find these.

There are five letters given there, with copious notes.  They include Chrysostom’s two letters to Pope Innocent, and Innocent’s reply (letter 11), plus Innocent’s letter (14) to Theophilus of Alexandria, and Innocent’s letter to the people of Constantinople (letter 33).

The drafts have at the top wording such as:

Note: This is a new translation based prepared for Geoffrey Dunn for the translation volume to accompany his new edition of the letters of Innocent I, in preparation for CCSL. Posted with his permission. The Greek text is found in Sozomen, HE 8.26.

Which is fair enough, of course.  I think we may all thank Dr Mayer for generously making these drafts available.

It is also excellent news that a translation of Innocent’s letters is in progress.  Papal correspondence of the 5-6th century is a historical source of the highest value, and it ought to be more accessible than it is.

It seems as if an intriguing use of Academa.edu is developing.  People are starting to use it as a safe place to put work in progress, draft material which may or may not be published, and so forth.

I imagine that most people who work on some worthwhile research have to prepare working documents, draft translations of sources, and detailed notes, as part of the research project.  Most of this is never published, nor always publishable.  But it may be of great interest all the same to other workers in the field!  Now, suddenly, there is a place for such material.

The availability of such material can facilitate cooperative working with people who may otherwise never hear of the work already done.  It’s an excellent idea.

I get the impression that the site is gaining some real traction.  One to watch.

Share

The Roman sponge-on-a-stick

The Romans didn’t use toilet paper.  Instead they used a sponge on a stick.  Or at least, that is my understanding.

I’m not sure what our sources are for this, but one came my way this week.  It’s from Seneca’s Letters 70, ch. 20:

20.  Nuper in ludo bestiariorum unus e Germanis, cum ad matutina spectacula pararetur, secessit ad exonerandum corpus – nullum aliud illi dabatur sine custode secretum; ibi lignum id quod ad emundanda obscena adhaerente spongia positum est totum in gulam farsit et interclusis faucibus spiritum elisit. Hoc fuit morti contumeliam facere. Ita prorsus, parum munde et parum decenter: quid est stultius quam fastidiose mori?

20.  For example, there was lately in a training-school for wild-beast gladiators a German, who was making ready for the morning exhibition; he withdrew in order to relieve himself, – the only thing which he was allowed to do in secret and without the presence of a guard. While so engaged, he seized the stick of wood, tipped with a sponge, which was devoted to the vilest uses, and stuffed it, just as it was, down his throat; thus he blocked up his windpipe, and choked the breath from his body. That was truly to insult death![1]

I wonder if they had to share a stick?

Share
  1. [1]Latin from the Latin Library here; English taken from the Loeb translation, found here on Wikimedia Commons.

A list of translations into Arabic of biblical texts from Graf’s GCAL

Seven years ago I placed online the table of contents to volume 2 of Graf’s GCAL,[1], which lists the original compositions in Arabic by Christian writers up to the 15th century.  I then promptly forgot all about it.

This evening I have been looking at volume 1.  This contains details of the translations into Arabic of Christian material from other languages.  I thought that it might be interesting to give what he says about biblical translations into Arabic.  Few know what exists, after all.

I include the page numbers from Graf, straggly though this makes the content, as it gives an idea of how much material there is under each section.

Complete bibles

Hunain ibn Ishaq         89
Melkite complete bible 89
Coptic complete bible 92
Polyglots of Paris and London 83
Propaganda edition 96
Raphael Tuki 97
Protestant editions 98
Dominican edition (Mosul) 99
Jesuit edition (Beirut)

A. Old Testament

1. Pentateuch translations……………………………101-108 —
by Gaon Saadia………………………………..101
from the Greek…………………………….103
from the Coptic………………………………103
from the Syriac………………………………104
by al-Harit ibn Sinan ibn Sinbat………………….107
from the Latin Vulgate……………………….108
of unknown origin…………………………..108

2. The other historical books…………………………108-114 —
Joshua…………………………………………109
Judges…………………………………………110
Ruth…………………………………………..110
Kings and Chronicles………………………………111
I and II Esdras………………………………..112
Tobit…………………………………………113 Judith…………………………………………113 Esther…………………………………………113 II Maccabees……………………………………114

3. Psalms…………………………………………..114-126 —
Oldest translation…………………………….114
Abu ‘l-Fath ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fadl………………….116
Coptic-Arabic Psalters……………………..119
Psalterium octaplum………………………………120
Roman edition (1614)…………………………121
Edition by Quzhaiya (1610)……………………..121
Other translations from Syriac…………..123
Mozarabic Psalter…………………………….124
Translations from Hebrew………………….124
Translations of unknown origin………………125

4. Job translations………………………………….126-127 —
from a syro-hexaplaric basis………………….126
by Pethion (Fatyun ibn Aiyub)……………………126
from the Syriac………………………………127
from the Coptic………………………………127
of unknown origin…………………………..127

5. Wisdom literature translations………… 127-131 —
from the Septuagint………………………………127
by al-Harit ibn Sinan ihn Sinbat………………….129
by Pethion……………………………………..130
of unknown origin…………………………..130

6. The Prophets translations……………131-137 —
by al-‘Alam……………………………………131
from the Septuagint……………………..133
from the Coptic………………………………133
from the Syriac………………………………134
from the Latin…………………………….136
of unknown origin…………………………..136

B. New Testament 138-185

2. Gospels translations…………………………….142-170 —
from Greek…………………………….142
from Syriac………………………………150
from Coptic………………………………155
in polished prose………………………………163
from Latin…………………………….167
of unknown origin…………………………..169

3. Acts translations…………………………..170-181 —
from Greek…………………………….170
from Syriac …………………………..172
from Coptic ……………………178
from Latin…………………………….179
of unknown origin…………………………..180

4. Revelation translations……………..182-184
from Greek ………………………..182
from Syriac………………………………182
from Coptic………………………………182
of unknown origin…………………………..184

5. Translations and editions of portions of the N.T. in vulgar Arabic dialects………………………………..194

Now that’s slightly more than 100 pages of detailed information.  And it ought to exist in English.  Really it should.

So … why doesn’t it?

Share
  1. [1]Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Litteratur.  The contents may be found here.

Welcome to Christophe Guignard’s “Marginalia” blog

The excellent Christophe Guignard has started his own blog (in French), on details of ancient Christian literature and its Graeco-Roman context.  It’s called Marginalia.

He’s just done a post in both English and French on a “new” uncial fragment of John’s Gospel (0323).

He’s also interested in Syriac mss. at Sinai.

I think I shall add it to my RSS feed.

Share

From my diary

The transcription of part 2 of al-Makin (from the Erpenius edition of 1625) is going well.  It’s arriving in 10-page chunks, and there are 300 pages in all so that will make 30 chunks.  Chunk 11 arrived today.

I was reflecting at the weekend on our lack of knowledge of Arabic literature, including Arabic Christian literature.  There is no handbook of this in English.

Yet to create one would merely take time, no more.  It could be done.  Even I could do it.  A single volume, using Brockelmann’s Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur and Graf’s Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Litteratur as a basis could be compiled relatively easily by any interested amateur, and then brought up to date by a literature search.

And what a difference it would make to our understanding of the subject!  How it would revolutionise our access to this area of knowledge!

I wonder how it might be done …  Perhaps find someone — or better, several someones — with time who knows basic German and has the right mindset.  Just compile a list of authors and works – not very taxing – and then write entries.  Then compile a short bibliography of published editions, translations, and studies in western languages… hmm.  For the latter, one would need to know where bibliographies of Arabic literature may be found.

It could be done.  Whether I can do it, well, I don’t know.  But it could be done.

Share

Chrysostom letters – translations at Academia.edu

I’ve mentioned this before, but “Inepti Graeculi”, who occasionally comments here, has been working away at translating the letters of John Chrysostom and posting draft translations at Academia.edu here.  An index of those letters translated is here.

There are some 240 letters, nearly all from Chrysostom’s second exile, from which he did not return.  Remarkably only a handful have ever been translated.

So far IG has completed and posted drafts of 30 of the letters, which is more than have ever been done before.  The project is attracting interest (naturally) from Chrysostom scholars.

The project is nothing to do with me, but I deeply approve.  This is the first time that I have seen academia.edu used in this way, as a way to get draft versions online for comment and to start a “virtuous circle” of involvement and interest.  It seems to work well if used that way!

Share

Divine disapproval: the complete letter from David Silvester

Over the weekend the BBC and other media was calling for the head of a certain David Silvester, a councillor of the UKIP party in Henley-on-Thames.  His crime was to write the following letter to his local paper, the Henley Standard.  Since I can find the complete letter nowhere, I think it would be good to post it here:

Divine disapproval

Sir, — Since the passage of the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Act, the nation has been beset by serious storms and floods.

One recent one caused the worst flooding for 60 years. The Christmas floods were the worst for 127 years. Is this just “global warming” or is there something more serious at work?

The scriptures make it abundantly clear that a Christian nation that abandons its faith and acts contrary to the Gospel (and in naked breach of a coronation oath) will be beset by natural disasters such as storms, disease, pestilence and war.

I wrote to David Cameron in April 2012 to warn him that disasters would accompany the passage of his same sex marriage Bill but he went ahead despite a 600,000-signature petition by concerned Christians and more than half of his own parliamentary party saying that he should not do so.

Now, even as Cameron sheds crocodile tears on behalf of destitute flooded homeowners, playing at advocate against the very local councils he has made cash-strapped, it is his fault that large swathes of the nation have been afflicted by storms and floods.

He has arrogantly acted against the Gospel that once made Britain “great” and the lesson surely to be learned is that no man or men, however powerful, can mess with Almighty God with impunity and get away with it for everything a nation does is weighed on the scales of divine approval or disapproval. — Yours faithfully,

Councillor David Silvester (UKIP)
Henley Town Council, Luker Avenue, Henley

These views, involving as they do the suggestion that unnatural vice is wrong, has provoked an artificial media storm, demanding his head pour encourager les autres.  The BBC led the charge, and broadcast the “controversy” endlessly. Dr Goebbels would be very proud of the orchestrated “two-minute hate” now raging.

We are rather accustomed to these witchhunts, these days, in modern Britain.  Those who do what they know to be wrong cannot stand the slightest reminder of their wrongdoing.

I was amused to read some churchy types solemnly pontificating about Mr Silvester’s supposed theological naivety.  How embarassed they were!  On the contrary the view he expresses is pretty solidly biblical.  That it is unfashionable need not detain us.

Mr Silvester’s statements are thought-provoking. Perhaps we should ask ourselves whether, being unfashionable, he is right?

I had not, myself, seen the matter in these terms.  I blamed the flooding on embezzlement and negligence.  For I knew – what is fairly commonly known – that the authorities have long ceased to dredge the rivers, or to repair the flood defences properly.  The money raised in tax to pay for this very necessary work has been diverted for other purposes.   Until now, I had not thought beyond this, to the hand of God.

But maybe we should.  For a nation with a corrupt ruling class, which is busy with its own pleasures and indifferent to the public weal, will indeed experience floods, fires, disasters of every sort.  This is indeed the verdict of God on their corruption and selfishness; the one produces the latter.  God has created a world in which vice usually has consequences; and thank God for that.

If those rulers were attentive to business, if they repaired the sea-defences and did the million duties which they are paid for, then such natural disasters would not occur, or would be merely signals for concerted public endeavour.

Instead the floods come every year, to much empty handwringing from the officials who should be preventing them, and from the BBC, which bears so great a responsibility for the climate of opinion in which dereliction of duty is presented as a virtue.

Isn’t this the mechanism where a nation that has abandoned God experiences the hand of God?

Of course the worst injuries affect ordinary people, and not those in power.  So it has always been.

In the mean time we may congratulate David Silvester for his chance to tell the truth to the nation.  He who has ears to hear, let him hear.

Share

Byzantine insularity in the early Dark Ages

I’ve been browsing the introduction to Van der Vin’s book on medieval travellers to Constantinople, nearly all of whom visited after the 11th century.  It seems that the eastern empire became  very isolated from the west after the collapse of the western Roman empire.

The book contains the following interesting statement (p.4):

In the last few decennia scholars have tried to sketch the development of trade and shipping in the early middle ages on the evidence of the available historical, archeological and numismatic material [11].  The following conclusion which emerges from their work is important for the present study. It appears that up till the eleventh century trade and traffic were confined mainly to two large areas: the one around the Mediterranean Sea, the other within the territory of northwest Europe. Contacts between these two trade blocs were, however, limited in scope, and it is only in the course of the eleventh century that it is possible to see clear signs of the merging and mixing of the two spheres of influence … [12] … there was little or no direct contact between Byzantium and western Europe.

An important factor which prevented the formation of direct contacts between Greek territory and the West was the attitude of the Greeks themselves. The Byzantine world was very much an inward-looking one, where people showed no interest in what was going on in what the Byzantines saw as the ‘barbaric’ West. Thus no attempts were made from the Byzantine side to maintain contacts with western Europe. Moreover, the Greeks themselves hardly engaged in trade at all. In the mediterranean area trade, in the early middle ages, was almost entirely in the hands of Jews and ‘Syrians’ – a general name for anybody from the East.[14]These Syrians and Jews collected eastern products from certain harbours appointed by the Byzantine emperors, the most important of which was Constantinople, and arranged for their transport and their sale in  western Europe. In the fifth to seventh centuries there were colonies of these Levantine merchants in all the large towns around the Mediterranean Sea: in harbours such as Marseilles, Narbonne, Aries, Genoa, Naples and Palermo, but they can also be found in towns further inland, such as Lyons and Vienne, and even Orleans and Paris.[15]

From these places oriental and Byzantine products, including slaves, furs and luxury articles, were distributed throughout France, England and Germany. …

In the above it has always been assumed that any contacts between Greece and Constantinople with the West would in any case involve a voyage, long or short, by ship.

The shortest sea route was the crossing from a harbour in southern Italy to one of the Ionian islands, or to the west coast of Greece. However abhorrent the idea of a sea journey, there was simply no alternative, as the overland route straight across the Balkans, the area where the Byzantine empire bordered on the rest of Europe, was impassable until the eleventh century.

The unsafe state of the Balkans, which was largely due to still uncivilized Serbian and Bulgarian tribes, made traffic through that area impossible. This may be clearly seen from the maps in ‘The Northern Seas’ where Lewis shows the major trade routes of Europe … up to 1100 the Balkans are traversed by not a single continuous route.[18][1]

The lack of security throughout Europe was also a factor, where local barons and robbers — not necessarily different people — made travel difficult by land.  Van der Vin comments that the crusades ironically improved security in western Europe:

The Crusades started by Pope Urban II in 1096, also contributed to greater peace in western Europe; one of their results was that because many noblemen went off to the Holy Land many existing feuds either faded into the background or else were fought out outside Europe.

In the 11th century the land route across the Balkans did reopen, partly because of the conversion of the Bulgars and Hungarians, and partly because of the increased power of the empire in that region after the campaigns of emperors such as Basil II (976-1025).

We take ease of transport for granted.  But it did not exist in most periods of history.  The isolation of the Greek east at various periods is a factor we tend not to consider.

Share
  1. [1]11. J.N.L. Baker, Medieval Trade Routes, London, 1954;  F. Vercauteren, Etude sur les civitates de la Belgique seconde, Brussels, 1934, pp. 445 ss; R.S. Lopez, ‘Silk Industry in the Byzantine Empire’, Speculum 20 (1945), pp. 1-42. With some hesitation I also mention here A.R. Lewis, The Northern Seas. Shipping and Commerce in Northern Europe, A.D. 300- 1100, Princeton, 1958. This work contains a great deal of material, but is so carelessly written that its data can hardly be used without first being checked.
    12. Lewis, Northern Seas, p. 455.
    14. L. Brehier, ‘Les colonies d’orientaux en Occident au  commencement du moyen-age’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 12  (1903), pp. 1-39;  J. Ebersolt, Orient et Occident. Recherches sur les  influences byzantines et orientales en France avant les Croisades, Paris-Bruxelles, 1928;  M.J. de Goeje, ‘Internationaal handelsverkeer in de Middeleeuwen’, Verslagen en mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen (afd. letterkunde), 4e serie, 9 (1909), pp. 245-69;  P. Lambrechts, ‘le Commerce des “Syriens” en Gaule du Haut Empire a l’epoque merovingienne’, l’Antiquite classique, 6 (1937), pp. 35-61.
    15. Brehier, op. cit., pp. 11-6.
    18. Lewis, Northern Seas, Maps: 1, circa A.D. 300 (p. 33); 2. circa A.D. 650 (p. 148); 3. circa A.D. 820 (p. 205); 4. circa A.D. 985 (p. 369); 5. circa A.D. 1100 (p. 475).

From my diary

The translation of Origen’s exegetical works on Ezekiel has been proof-read all the way through, and a long but not very serious list of minor issues produced.  Next week I shall do a comparison of bold-face passages in the PDF with the original Word document, and then send the lot to the typesetter to be fixed.

My sincere thanks to John Literal, who volunteered his time and his eyes to read through the text.  It’s a hard task to do, and impossible for either myself or the translator to do, as we have seen the text so many times.  I am very grateful.  Thank you, John!

Share

Did moral decay destroy the ancient world?

The idea, that the Roman state declined, and ultimately collapsed, in part, because of the moral decay of the Romans themselves, is a commonplace of older literature.[1]

On the other hand many modern writers scoff at the very idea.  A Google books search will easily find examples such as this.[2]  Blogger Gary Carson at Ancient World Review has posted this blog-post and this along the same lines, and I thought that I would add a few musings on the subject here.

The question is a sensitive one.  To discuss it is, implicitly, to discuss our own society and its values or lack of them.  It can quickly turn into a political rather than a historical question, and draw responses which are more defensive-dismissive rather than useful: such as the claim that Rome never fell at all!

Such claims need not be taken seriously.  But why did the Roman world collapse?

The Roman world developed a whole series of institutional problems, which contributed to its final collapse.  Undoubtedly the most important of these was the lack of political legitimacy.  All the emperors were usurpers.  Any successful general could attempt the throne.  This meant, when the empire was fighting for its life, that, although the defeat of a Roman army was a disaster, the victory of the same army was almost as bad.  For the troops, eager for money in the shape of accession donatives, would acclaim the victorious general as emperor, willing or not.  The luckless or ambitious man would then be obliged to stop fighting the barbarians, and try to seize power, or else forfeit his life.[3]  A state that cannot win its wars has no future.

Yet the moral failure of the Romans has been a constant theme since antiquity.  Were they all wrong?

The decay of morals and the ruin of Roman society thereby is a complaint of ancient moralists such as Juvenal.  They are not primarily concerned with fornication, which the ownership of female slaves made endemic in that world.  They condemn adultery and divorce in strong terms.

The intersection between private morality, or its failure, and the structural integrity of the state (or lack of it) must be the family.  That women need families in order to raise their children is obvious; the children of those women who do not form part of a family have a much reduced chance of survival.  To form such units of mutual dependency and obligation and to preserve them is probably an evolutionary necessity.

Those who belong to families have something to lose, and so are disinclined to revolution.  The obligations between families extend, perhaps, to create a general basis for society.  By contrast the bachelor is a parasite on society, who might do anything, having little to lose and no-one to be responsible to.  On this view, if the nation is the body, then the family is the cell.  He who wishes to create a revolution will find the family an obstacle.  I am told that the Bolsheviks did indeed encourage “free love” for this purpose, as part of their strategy of gaining power.

These remarks are probably generally applicable.  But early Roman society was peculiarly centred on the family unit.  The state was ruled by the “Fathers” in the senate.  The father of the family — paterfamilias— was the unique source of property and authority in his sphere.  Indeed the Romans, like other Latin cities, had a state official known as the Pater Patrorum, who could conclude treaties with other cities; a notional “father” for the whole state.

This family unit was not the modern nuclear family.  Important men would have clients, who were attached to their family and in turn gave them importance.  Slaves themselves belonged to the family, which, as Pliny the Younger remarked, gave them a “kind of country” to belong to.

To such a family-centred society, divorce was anathema.  It arrived, nevertheless, and spread.  Similarly adultery, as destroying the integrity of the family, was a very serious business.

We all know the complaints of the moralists of the decay of the Roman family in the late Republic as divorce became commonplace.  More telling, in a way, is Cicero’s remark on his dead young daughter Tullia, “She was married to young men” (plural) “of distinction”.

The effect of easy divorce, itself often a product of adultery, and so of low personal morality, was to dissolve the fundamental building block of Roman society.  At that point, obligations also dissolve.  It is every man for himself.  Office is valued, not as a means to serve society, which includes one’s own family, but rather as a means to gain money.  Thus we reach the comical situation described by Juvenal, where wealthy magistrates appear as “clients” at some rich man’s morning levee, to claim a daily handout, regardless of the indignity to their office and the state!

Of course collapse does not happen at once.  But the rot is there.  Why sacrifice yourself, when you are accustomed to indulging yourself?  It is only by hard work and self-denial and deferred satisfaction that most people can achieve everything.  But why worry?  Eat, drink and be merry! … while it lasts.  Such hedonism is, in the end, profoundly depressing.

In the fourth century Christianity became fashionable.  This, one would expect, would improve the morals of the Romans.  But it may be questioned whether it did.  Orosius, I believe, tells us that the incoming barbarians are far superior to the Romans in that they are not adulterous.

Throughout late Roman society, we see a world devoid of fibre.  Each man is on his own.  The world exists; but nobody really feels that they belong to it.  In this respect, the rise of ascetism, of “renouncing the world”, may even have made the situation worse.

When Alaric and his Goths camped outside Rome, I am told, any of the great magnates whose estates surrounded the city could have paid the ransom demanded.  But none of them did.  The Roman government, safe in Ravenna, could have paid it.  An early Roman senate would have refused to pay, and armed the people to fight.  The late Roman establishment simply didn’t care enough to act at all.  And why?  Because their character and moral outlook had rotted in the long years of peace and plenty?  Certainly men have, until recent years, thought so.

It seems a strange claim, when we consider it, that it can make no difference to anything, how men behave in the matter that is central to the lives of most people: their marriage and what leads up to it.  It is surely far more likely that those taught to treat such obligations as unimportant are likely to treat every other obligation equally lightly.  As was once remarked, “those who encourage permissiveness in the bedroom are then shocked to find permissiveness in the boardroom.”

But whether all this really helped to destroy the Roman world needs rather more precision and analysis than I can give it!

Share
  1. [1]A correspondent has kindly pointed out an example in Sir John Glubb, The Fate of Empires, online here.
  2. [2]J.W. Ermatinger, The Decline and Fall of the Roman empire, Greenwood, 2004, 60.
  3. [3]Vetranio, who managed to concert the surrender of himself and his army to Constantius II and survive, is a rare exception.