In Munier’s edition of the material from the Council of Hippo, on page 32, there is a ‘First series of canons which are excerpted from the council of Hippo but which are not part of the “Summary of statues”‘. I turned these into English back in December, but I was unable to work out where Munier found them. The title seems to be his own. I need to read his apparatus again. Last time I tried to access some of the manuscripts he referenced, so confusing is Munier’s edition, but in vain. So… some work still to do here.
But let’s have the text and translation. At least I can do that. He numbers them with letters A-E. Comments welcome as always.
A. Placuit [etiam], propter errorem qui saepe solet oboriri, ut omnes Africanae provinciae observationem diei paschalis ab ecclesia Carthaginensi curent accipere.
It was [also] decided, on account of the error which habitually arises, that all of the African provinces shall arrange to receive the [date of the] observation of Easter day from the church of Carthage.
B. Cresconius Villeregiensis episcopus, qui Tubuniensis ecclesiae cathedram tenuisse dicebatur, plebe sua, hoc est Villeregiensis ecclesiae, iussus est esse contentus.
Cresconius, bishop of Villa Regia, who was said to hold the seat of the church of Tubuna, was ordered to be content with his own people,** i.e. of the church of Villa Regia.
C. Et hoc placuit, ut a nullo usurpentur plebes alienae.
And this was decided, that the congregation of another shall not be usurped by anyone.
D. Primatum proprium Mauritania Sitifensis, cum id postularent, habere permissum est, inchoantibus Mauris.
It was permitted that Mauritania Sitifensis shall have its own primate, seeing that they have asked for it, when the Mauritanians are ready.
E. Ceteri etiam primae sedis episcopi ex consilio episcopi Carthaginensis ecclesiae primatus provinciarum suarum constituendos esse professi sunt, [si aliqua altercatio fuerit].
The other bishops of the First See** also declared that they ought to be appointed by the council of the bishop of Carthage to the primacy of the church of their province [, if there is any dispute].
The great improvement in the last 12 weeks to Google Translate for Latin means that I was able to improve the translations. It’s sobering to realise that in some places it is better than I am!
Here are the other two canons of Hippo rediscovered around 50 years ago. The first one, canon 4, gave me a lot of trouble.
4. Aurelius episcopus dixit : Sicut frater et collega noster Saturninus salubri consideratione deprompsit, debent episcopi, non postquam pranderint, sed ieiuni cum populis ieiunis, quacumque hora, divina celebrare mysteria. Si vero sumpserint cibos,** pm ** cuiuscumque laici sive episcopi conmendantes, oratione eum tantummodo prosequantur.
Bishop Aurelius said: As our brother and colleague Saturninus has proposed, from considerations of health bishops ought not to celebrate the mysteries after they have dined, but fast with the people who are fasting, whatever the hour. But if they have taken food, after midday** no matter who of the laity or bishops they are commending [to God]**, let them accompany him [the deceased] in prayer only.
Munier was unsure what the abbreviation “pm” meant. I have gone with “post meridiem”, following Eric Rebillard here. The second ** must mean the funeral service.
Illud autem quoniam praesentibus corporibus nonnulli audeant sacrificia celebrare et partem Corporis sancti cum exanimi cadavere communicare arbitror prohibendum. Superest ut, si placet, vestra sanctitas censeat.
But seeing that some are daring, to celebrate the sacrifice [of the Eucharist] in the presence of corpses, and to share a part of the Holy Body with a dead body, I think this must be prohibited. It remains that, if this is agreed, let your holiness decide.
I’m not sure who the singular bishop addressed at the end might be. Possibly something has dropped out, and this is part of a response, by another bishop, addressing Aurelius, the primate of Africa? Aurelius is addressed as “your holiness” in what follows.
Ab universis episcopis dictum est : Sanctitatis vestrae prosecutio omnibus placet, quam nostro confirmamus consensu.
By all the bishops it was said: The proposal of your holiness is agreed to by all, which we confirm with our agreement.
Now canon 5.
(…) Ab universis episcopis dictum est: Omnibus placet ut scripturae canonicae quae lectae sunt, sed et passiones martyrum, sui cuiusque locis, in ecclesiis praedicentur.
(…) By all the bishops it was said: It is agreed by all that the canonical scriptures which have been read shall be expounded in the churches, but also the passions of the martyrs, each in his place.
Possibly each in his place means either his place in the church calendar, or at the geographical place to which he belonged.
The text is corrupt and difficult for me to understand. Comments welcome.
I’ve just become aware of a website devoted to the academic study of Ancient Magic and its rituals. The site is Charaktêres – Ancient Magic and Ritual Practice, and it is run by Kirsten Dzwiza. Apparently it dates back to 2008 originally – about the same date as this blog. It is full of interesting material, papyri, gems, inscriptions; some of it of much wider interest. There was a series about rubrics in the magical papyri recently – yes, in red ink.
If you are on Twitter, Dr Dzwiza tweets in English and German at https://twitter.com/antikemagie.. This is very well worth following She also has a German-language site, https://www.antike-magie.de/.
My attention was originally drawn by this magnificent 3rd century magic gem, made of Carnelian (Getty 80.AN.132.2):
It’s time to return to our translation of the canons of the Council of Hippo in 393, last visited in December last year here. I’ve had a fair bit of material sitting on my desktop for a year, and it’s time to move some of it into the blog!
As I said last time, five canons were rediscovered by Charles Munier about 50 years ago. Let’s get on with translating them into English. Comments are welcome! – I have found these canons rather tricky at points.
* * * *
Here’s canon 2:
2. Epigonius episcopus dixit : Omnis incontinentia quae in abscondito exercetur, ne palam publicata damnetur, volumus itaque aliqua disciplina sauciari; lectores dicimus pubescentes coartari debere, ut matrimonia suscipiant aut certe sanctimonia profiteantur. Sin vero voluntate prava perseveraverint, suspendi eos oportere a lectione usque eundem diem ut, aut uxores ducant aut, si noluerint uxores ducere, professionem continentiae suae devoverint.
2. Bishop Epigonius said: We want every incontinence, which is practised in secret for fear that it should be condemned when made known openly, therefore to be cut back by some regulation; we say that youthful readers ought to be constrained to marry or at least to make a declaration of purity. But if in fact they persevere in their corrupt purpose, they ought to be suspended from the readership until the day when either they marry, or, if they are not willing to marry, they shall make profession of their continence.
Canon 3:
3. Epigonius episcopus dixit : Additur aliquid quod non sejungatur de hoc titulo : saepe, patientibus propositis, vidimus lectores in ecclesiis (…). Si hoc placet mentibus vestris, qui secundam acceperit, a lectione ex hodierno die arceatur.
Ab universis episcopis dictum est: Omnibus placet ut deinceps, si quis lector duas uxores habuerit, ab lectionis officio sit remotus.
3. Bishop Epigonius said: There is something to add that should not be detached from this subject: often, while permitting the practices, we have seen readers in churches (…). If this is agreed by your judgement, let him who has married a second [wife] from this day be prevented from reading.
By all the bishops it was said: It is agreed by all that, if any reader has two wives in succession, from now on he should be removed from the office of reading.
A couple of days ago I mentioned that Google Translate was doing an unusually good job on the Latin of the Life of St Piran (BHL 4659). I’m afraid that I am easily distracted. I had not planned to do so, but I seem to have produced a translation of the whole text. So here it is:
The files can also be found on Archive.org here. I’ve included the Latin text as well, and a brief introduction. Unfortunately the work tells us nothing about St Piran, nor even what tales were circulating about him. It’s a copy of the Life of St Ciaran of Saighir with the names changed (!) Oh well. It’s here, anyway.
As ever, this material is placed in the public domain. Do whatever you like with it, personal, educational or commercial. Have fun!
Ash Wednesday, the dies cinerum, is the name used in English for the first day of Lent, the 40-day period of fasting that, in the medieval church, precedes Easter. The Catholic and Anglican churches celebrate it by a church service of repentance, at which the people are marked with ashes, and this has become popular among even free churches. But what is the origin of this curious custom?
In 23 places in the bible,[1] we find a custom of public penance for sin, “in sackcloth and ashes”, in various places in the Old Testament such as Esther 4:3. Jesus also alludes to it in Mt. 11:21 and Lk. 10:13. It then appears also in the Fathers, such as Tertullian. But this is not tied to any date. There is no trace of a connection to Lent, nor to the date that would later become known as Ash Wednesday, because neither existed.
Many early modern books, when talking about Ash Wednesday, refer to the canons of the council of Agde, the Concilium Agathense (AD 506), in Visigothic Spain. The reason is a false claim in the 12th century law book, the Decretum of Gratian (below), which was repeated by Cardinal Bellarmine. Canon 15 does indeed refer to public repentance in sackcloth, i.e. a hair-shirt (cilicium). Here is the text as given by Mansi, VIII, p.327:[2]
XV. Penitentes tempore, quo penitentiam petunt, inpositionem manuum et cilicium super capita a sacerdote (sicut ubique statutum est) consequantur. Si autem comas non deposuerint, aut vestimenta non mutaverint, abiciantur et nisi digne penituerint, non recipiantur. Juvenibus etiam penitentia propter aetatis fragilitatem non facile committenda est. Viaticum tamen omnibus in morte positis non est negandum.
Let penitents, at the time when they seek penitence, obtain the laying-on of hands and sackcloth on the head from the priest (just as has been decreed everywhere). But if they have not shaved their heads or changed their clothes, let them be thrown out and unless they shall repent properly, let them not be received. Also penitence shall not be imposed lightly on juveniles on account of the weakness of their age. However the viaticum shall not be denied to those on the point of death.[3]
But there is no evidence that this has anything to do with the start of Lent (“in capite ieiunio”),[4] and there is no mention of ashes. Indeed Lent did not begin on Ash Wednesday during the 6th century. At the time of Gregory the Great (d. 604) the beginning of Lent was on the following Sunday. Our first witness that four days had been added, allowing the Lent to commence on the Wednesday, is the Old Gelasian Sacramentary contained in MS Vatican reg. lat. 316. (I have written about this here, with links to sources, editions and the manuscript.)
Two other sources for the use of ashes in the 7-8th century are also not what they seem.
The first is a paragraph beginning “In capite quadragesimae” in something called the Capitula Theodori (not the same as the Paenitentiale pseudo-Theodori, CCSL 156B). Supposedly the work of Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury (d. 690 AD), and therefore 7th century, it is in fact a collection of material of 10th century Frankish origin.[5] It was printed from a manuscript by J. Petit in 1677, and in his version, c. 11 (here), the priest lays hands on the penitent, sprinkles holy water, then ashes, and then places sackcloth on his head. Tellingly, the text printed by Petit is exactly the same as that given below as “chapter 64” in Gratian. [Update 21/6/2023: the real source for this appears to be the 10th century author Regino of Prum, Libri duo de synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis, canon 295, online here. See the comments below].
The second is book 3 of the homilies of the Venerable Bede (d.735). Bede did compose two books of Homilies on the Gospels (= CPL 1367), each containing 25 homilies. But the old editions of the works of Bede contain a total of 140 homilies, the remainder as an additional “third book” of Homiliae Subdititae, arranged into liturgical order. Some of the latter have a rubric for Ash Wednesday (diescinerum), such as book 3, 37 “in die Cinerum” (PL 94:349), 38 “in fiera quinta post Cinerum” (PL 94:350), 39, 40, and 99.[6] The modern CCSL edition by Hurst has no material referring to ashes, and it seems that all the homilies in “book 3” are spurious.[7]
Our first real evidence for the celebration of Ash Wednesday, where ashes are involved, is in the 9th century. At this period we have manuscripts of service books which contain this. It is the Gregorian sacramentaries – out of the various service books of the period – which label the Wednesday in question as “In capite jejunii”, i.e. the “Start of the Fast”, and the 1911 Encyclopedia Britannica states that “The phrase dies cinerum appears in the earliest extant copies of the Gregorian Sacramentary”[8]. These manuscripts are 9th century. The Gelasian sacramentary indicated the date; but by the start of the 9th century it seems that the earlier penance in sackcloth and ashes has become attached at some point to the start of Lent. The same liturgical material is repeated in Regino de Prum’s book on at the start of the 10th century also, and his words reappear in later pontificals, which are service books for the use of bishops.[9] This type of ritual is found in medieval liturgical texts right down to the renaissance.
This public penance – open penance for open crimes – meant that the sinner appeared in sackcloth and ashes on the first day of Lent, and was expelled from the church until Maundy Thursday, the day before Good Friday. The idea behind this was that sins – such as burning down a nunnery, or overtly living in sin – which were known to everyone, could only be healed by a penance made in a similarly public manner. Public crimes required public penance. Private failings could be confessed privately.[10]
But even in the 9th century, descriptions of actual public penance are rare,[11] even though public penance, in sack-cloth and ashes, is found in in Anglo-Saxon liturgical manuscripts of the 10-11th centuries, such as penitentials.[12]
It is in the 10th century that we find our first evidence of the Lenten custom of a general imposition of ashes on the whole congregation as part of the Ash Wednesday service. The origin of this seems to be a mid-10th century monastic reform in England, led by Bishop Aethelwold, who in 970, with the backing of King Edgar, issued a Regularis Concordia for all the English monks. This for the first time included a general imposition of ashes for the monks.[13] The modern custom, for the whole congregation, is attested in a sermon for Ash Wednesday by Aethelwold’s disciple, Aelfric of Eynsham. The sermon was written in Anglo-Saxon rather than Latin,[14] and reads:
On Wednesday, widely across the earth, priests bless clean ashes in church, just as it is established, and afterwards place them upon men’s heads, that they may have in mind that they came from earth, and afterwards will return to dust, just as the Almighty God said to Adam after he had transgressed against God’s command, “Through labours you shall live and through sweat you shall eat your bread on earth, until you afterwards return to the same earth from which you came, because you are dust, and to dust will return.
Likewise in his Letter for the Monks of Eynsham, Aelfric writes as follows:
Quarta feria Capitis Ieiunii, nona decantata, abbas ornatus stola benedicat cineres et imponat capitibus singulorum, quia legimus in veteri et in novo testamento paenitentes semetipsos cynere aspersisse, demonstrantes humanam naturam esse reversuram in pulverem ob culpam prime preuaricationis. . . . Eant tunc ad processionem reliquas antiphonas decantando. Venientes vero ad ecclesiam quo eunt, cantent antiphonam de ipso sancto et dominicam orationem, flexis genibus, et psalmum ‘Ad te levavi oculos meos’ cum precibus et oratione. Incipiant tunc cantores letaniam revertentes ad matrem ecclesiam et induant se ministri ad missam.
On Ash Wednesday, after None has been sung, the abbot, vested in a stole, shall bless ashes and put them on the heads of each and every person, because we read in the Old and New Testaments that penitents dusted themselves with ashes, showing that human nature would return to dust, on account of guilt for [man’s] primordial transgression . . . They shall then go to the procession singing the remaining antiphons. When they reach the destination church, they shall sing the antiphon of its saint and then, kneeling, the Lord’s Prayer, and the psalm “To thee I have lifted up my eyes”, with the preces and the collect. Then the cantors shall begin the litany as they [all] make their way back to the mother church, and the ministers shall vest for mass.[15]
This is our Ash Wednesday ritual. It would appear that it originates in England in the 10th century, and that it is the creation of Aethelwold and Aelfric.
The earlier idea of public penance and restoration by the bishop did not disappear, even in England. As well as the service books of the 10-11th century, it is still expressed by Wulfstan of York (d.1023), in a sermon in Anglo-Saxon:
And there are some men also who rightly must in this holy time be expelled from the church community for high sins, just as was Adam from the community of angels when he forsook the great joy in which he dwelt before he sinned . . . Dear men, on Wednesday, which is caput ieiunii, bishops expel in many places out from the church for their own need those who have made themselves highly guilty in open sins. And afterwards on Thursday before Easter they re-enter the church, those who zealously during Lent atone for their sins, just as one instructs them. Then bishops read the absolution over them, and pray for them, and with that alleviate their sins through God’s great mercy. And that is a needful practice, but we do not observe it as well as we should in this land, and it is very necessary that one zealously have it in practice.[16]
It seems that both rituals were still “on the books” in this period. Wulfstan’s last sentence perhaps explains why the modern ritual arose: the old penance rite was unpopular, and not well observed.
Princeton: Princeton University Library, Kane 13, leaf of a Gradual (same as Kane 12); initial M beginning Introit of Mass for Ash Wednesday (Italian, late 15c.). Via here.
The material for an Ash Wednesday service of public penance continues to be recorded in other service books from Northern Europe, such as the Romano-German Pontificale (= PRG), and these continue in use until the end of the middle ages. In the 12th century Gratian’s Decretum, in Distinctio 50 (text online here), we find that chapter 62 is a quote from Augustine, followed by:
Gratian. Haec autem penitentia quomodo inponenda sit in Agatensi Concilio legitur, in quo sic statutum est:
This is followed by chapter 63, which is merely a quotation of the canon of the Council of Agde, “Penitentes tempore quo penitentiam”, above. But then the start of chapter 64 begins “Item ex eodem.”, “Likewise from the same” – which is not true -, and then the description of public penance [Update: by Regino of Prum] also found in the Capitula Theodori above:
In capite quadragesimae omnes penitentes, qui publicam suscipiunt aut susceperunt penitenciam, ante fores ecclesiae se representent episcopo civitatis, sacco induti, nudis pedibus, uultibus in terram demissis reos se esse ipso habitu et uultu protestantes. Ibi adesse debent decani, id est archipresbiteri parrochiarum et presbiteri penitencium, qui eorum conuersationem diligenter inspicere debent, et secundum modum culpae penitenciam per prefatos gradus iniungere. Post hec eos in ecclesiam introducat, et cum omni clero septem penitenciae psalmos in terram prostratus cum lacrimis pro eorum absolutione decantet; tunc resurgens ab oratione, iuxta quod canones iubent, manus eis inponat, aquam benedictam super eos spargat, cinerem prius mittat, deinde cilicio capita eorum operiat, et cum gemitu et crebris suspiriis denunciet eis, quod sicut Adam proiectus est de paradiso, ita et ipsi pro peccatis ab ecclesia abiciuntur; postea iubeat ministris, ut eos extra ianuam ecclesiae expellant, clerus uero prosequatur eos cum responsorio: “In sudore uultus tui uesceris pane tuo, etc.” ut, uidentes sanctam ecclesiam pro facinoribus suis tremefactam atque commotam, non paruipendant penitenciam. In sacra autem Domini cena rursus ab eorum decanis et eorum presbiteris ecclesiae liminibus represententur.
On the first day of Lent, all penitents, who either then were admitted to penance, or had been admitted before, were to present themselves to the bishop, before the doors of the church, clothed in sackcloth, barefooted, and with eyes fixed on the ground, confessing themselves guilty, both by their habit and their looks; and this was to be done in the presence of the deans or arch-presbyters of the parishes, and the penitential presbyters, whoso duty it was to examine diligently their conversation, and to enjoin them penance, according to the measure of their faults, by the degrees of penance that were appointed. After this, they introduced them into the church, where the bishop, with all the clergy, falling prostrate on the ground, sang the seven penitential psalms, with tears, for their absolution. Then the bishop, rising from prayer, gave them imposition of hands, sprinkled them with holy water, threw ashes upon their heads, and covered their heads with sackcloth, declaring, with sighs and groans, that, as Adam was cast out of Paradise, so they for their sins must be cast out of the church. Then the bishop commanded the inferior ministers to turn them out of the church doors; and all the clergy followed them, using this responsory, ‘ In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat thy bread; for dust thou art, and unto dust thou shalt return.’ And all this was done to the end that the penitents, observing how great a disorder the holy Church was in by reason of their crimes, should not lightly esteem of penance.[17]
We may wonder to what extent this ritual was much observed in practice, even in the time of Gratian.
The English celebration of Ash Wednesday proved popular. It becomes increasingly common from the 11th century even in Europe, and then is introduced into canon law at the council of Beneventum in 1091, presided over by Pope Urban II. In the canons of this council, canon 4 decrees that all Christians should receive ashes at the beginning of Lent. Mansi, vol. 20, col. 739 (here):
Nullus omnino laicus post diem Cineris et Cilicii a quo caput jejunii dicitur, carnibus vesci audeat. Et omnes, tam clerici, quam laici, viri quam mulieres, die illo cinerem supra capite sua accipiant.
No layman whatsoever after the day of ashes and cloth of goat’s hair, from which the beginning of Lent takes its name, shall dare to eat meat. And everyone, whether clergy or lay, men or women, on that day shall receive ashes on their head.
Likewise in Rome in the 12th century, we find a pontifical – a service book for a bishop – that simply omits the old public penance ritual altogether. In the (unofficial) Pontificale Romanum Saeculi XII (=PRS) almost the entire old ritual for Ash Wednesday was omitted, retaining only the general confession and distribution of ashes:[18]
Interim ponit romanus pontifex vel sacerdos cineres super capita virorum ac mulierum.
Meanwhile the Roman pontiff or priest places ashes on the heads of the men and the women.[19]
The imposition of ashes on Ash Wednesday remains part of the Roman Catholic liturgy even today. But in the English-speaking world it came to a sudden halt at the Reformation. The Ash Wednesday ceremony of ashes was forbidden by a royal proclamation on 6 February 1548,[20] and explicitly banned in the 1549 prayer-book. Thereafter it was unknown in England.
In the 19th century the Anglo-Catholic movement started to import many Roman Catholic practices into Anglican worship, although not without fierce opposition. A google search suggests that the Ash Wednesday ritual was still being introduced into some cathedrals in the middle of the 20th century. The liturgy used was borrowed from the Roman Catholics. Ash Wednesday became popular during the second half of the 20th century. The imposition of ashes only reappeared in the official Anglican liturgy as recently as 1986.[21]
To conclude, the date and ceremonies and even the name of Ash Wednesday are tightly connected to the Catholic liturgy for Lent. The celebration of the day as the beginning of Lent is not attested earlier than the 8th century. The imposition of ashes seems to be an English innovation of the 10th century, adapting an earlier ritual for public penance in sackcloth and ashes that had proven unpopular. It disappeared in England during the 16th century. The custom was introduced once more in the English-speaking world in the 20th century in High Church rituals, and became generally accepted only within the last 50 years.
Update (12 March 2022): Twitter user @Albertojr555 kindly drew my attention to the witness of the Gelasian sacramentary to the date of Lent, noted by Joseph Abrahamson on his blog διαθηκη here. I have updated the post accordingly.
Update (21 June 2023): A kind correspondent has pointed out that the Capitula of ps.Theodore is in reality a passage in the Duo Libri of Regino of Prum. I’ve added details in a comment below.
[4]In fact Bellarmine tells us that he couldn’t find the latter words either! He does give a nice list of patristic writers on penance: R. Bellarmino, Opera Omnia 4, p.497: De controversiis: de poenitentia, lib. I, cap. 22. Online here.↩
[5]Thomas Pollock Oakley, English Penitential Discipline and Anglo-Saxon Law in Their Joint Influence (2003), p.109. Online here.↩
[7]So Jean Leclercq, “Le IIIe livre des Homélies de Bède le Vénérable”, Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale14 (1947), pp. 211-218. JSTOR. I was unable to read most of this, but the conclusion is clear, and echoed in the CPL.↩
[10]Bedingfield, “Public Penance in Anglo-Saxon England”, p.235 and n.36: Aelfric: “Qui publice peccaverit publice arguatur et publica paenitentia purgabitur. Et si hoc occulte fecerit et occulte ad confessionem venerit, occulte ei penitentia imponatur.”↩
[12]Bedingfield, p.229, n.20: : “The relevant texts… are the pseudo-Egbert Penitential, the Old English Handbook for the Use of a Confessor, the Old English translation of the Rule of Chrodegang, the sermons of Wulfstan, several entries in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 190 (one of the manuscripts traditionally referred to as ‘Wulfstan’s Commonplace Book’), and an unedited homily, Cameron B3.2.9, also found in CCCC 190.”↩
[13]I have not been able to access this, but the statement is found in Bedingfield, p.224 and n.4.↩
[14]Ælfric’s Lives of Saints I, ed. W. W. Skeat, EETS os 76 and 82 (London, 1881 and 1885; repr. 1966), p. 262↩
[15]B. Bedingfield, “Public Penance in Anglo-Saxon England”, Anglo-Saxon England 31 (2002), 223-255.↩
[16]Quoted by Bedingfield from The Homilies of Wulfstan, ed. D. Bethurum (Oxford, 1957), pp. 234–5.↩
[17]A.H. Grant, The Church Seasons: Historically and Poetically Illustrated, (1869) p.156-7, here. For some reason he changed the tense from present to past, but I have left it alone.↩
[18]The evolution of this liturgy is described in detail by Mary Mansfield in The Humiliation of Sinners: Public Penance in Thirteenth-Century France (1995) (Google Books preview here), although the discussion seems unaware of the Aelfric material and thus supposes that this is a 12th century novelty. On p.181 she gives the text of the PRS.↩
There is a text preserved in a Coptic manuscript which is thought by some to be the work, or partly the work, of the Egyptian monastic leader Pachomius. Dr Anthony Alcock has kindly prepared a new translation of the work, from the text printed by E. A. Budge in Coptic Apocrypha in the Dialect of Upper Egypt (1913), p.146-176. He has made this available to us online, under the title of: Instructing an angry monk at Tabennêse. It’s here:
The text was printed from a single parchment manuscript, discovered at the monastery of S. Mercurius at Edfu. It is now British Library Oriental 7024. The text is on folios 18r-49v. The colophon dates it to AD 985.[1] The work was edited again by L. T. Lefort, Œuvres de S. Pachôme et de ses disciples, CSCO 159, (with French translation CSCO 160) (1956), p.1-24. But this I have not seen. The original work was certainly in Coptic, but at least two manuscripts of an Arabic translation are known. Lefort made use of one, and the other was discovered recently by Khalil Samir. Other Arabic manuscripts probably exist, or so I learn from A. Veilleux &c, Pachomian Koinonia: Instructions, Letters and other writings of Salnt Pachomius and his disciples, vol. 3 (1982) which also includes an English translation (online at Alin Suciu’s site here).
The manuscript attributes the work to Pachomius, but there is some disagreement among scholars, or so I learn from Ulla Tervahauta &c, Women and Knowledge in Early Christianity, p.255 n.18 (preview here). There is more discussion at Carolyn Schneider, The Text of a Coptic Monastic Discourse On Love and Self-Control (2017), p.79 f. (preview here). No doubt any Coptic monastic text might drift into being attributed to Pachomius, whoever the original author. Lefort was the first to note that the work includes a long section from Athanasius’ On Charity and Continence, quoted without attribution.
Last week, on Ash Wednesday, I happened to read some crazy claim by a neopagan that Ash Wednesday derived in some weird way from Woden (!). Since then I have been working on a post about the origins of Ash Wednesday, and specifically the imposition of ashes. It’s been a long and weary haul, as I have to work with Dark Ages sacramentaries, but I’m gradually getting there. Yesterday I discovered the old DACL encyclopedia article on Cendres, which is proving very useful. It is interesting to see that modern scholarly literature is often unaware of it. I hope my own article will be done by the end of the week.
March 5 was St Piran’s Day, and I wrote something about that yesterday. But doing so caused me to retrieve the Latin text of the Vita of St Piran. This was published by Capgrave in Nova Legenda Anglie, at some remote date, and this in turn was nicely reprinted and edited by Horstman in 1901. Looking at it, I felt that old urge, and fired up Abbyy Finereader 15, and scanned the 9 pages. Today I finished correcting this to produce a Latin text. The orthography is dreadful, and a real barrier to the non-specialist. I’ve corrected some of it in the Word document.
On a whim I pasted it into Google Translate. I was astonished – but delighted – to find that I got back something very readable indeed:
Google Translate on the Life of St Piran
The translation engine for Latin is clearly going great guns. There are a few mistakes, but not many at all. If this is now the standard for medieval Latin, then we all need to get out there and start using it and start producing cleaned-up translations of medieval saints’ lives. My own hitherto faint urge to translate the Life of St Piran has just received a boost. On Thursday I might well take a look at doing this.
March 5th is St Piran’s Day. St Piran was a celtic saint who probably lived around 500 AD. In recent years there has been increased media interest in St Piran, as the symbol of Cornwall. The Cornish flag is called “St Piran’s flag.” I suspect most of this stuff is from incomers, and that it leaves the native Cornish feeling rather bemused. But celebrations were reported by the BBC here, but with a curious claim included:
According to the legend St Piran lived for 200 years, meeting his death when he fell down a well drunk.
This remarkable claim can be found in a number of places around the web. But it is not to be found in the medieval Life of St Piran,[1] which merely tells us that he came from Ireland and founded a monastery in North Cornwall, at Perranzabuloe, where he died.
The story instead relates to a “saint” Pir (or Piro, Pyr, or Byr, or Pyrrus), although I have found no evidence that anybody ever considered him a saint. Instead he was the abbot of a Celtic monastery. He lived on Caldey Island in the Bristol Channel at some point during the 5th century. We learn from Gerald of Wales that he owned the island, which was known as Yns Pir (= “Pir’s Island”), and also a “castle” on the coast in Wales. From the Itinerary through Wales, book 1, chapter 12 (here):
The castle called Maenor Pyrr, that is, the mansion of Pyrrus, who also possessed the island of Chaldey, which the Welsh call Inys Pyrr, or the island of Pyrrus, is distant about three miles from Penbroch.
What we know of the man comes from the Life of St Samson (here), who had the misfortune to be one of Pir’s monks.
20. … Now there was, not far from this monastery, a certain island I recently inhabited by one, an eminent man and holy priest, Piro by name. In this island I too have been, and it was with him, I say, that St. Samson wished to sojourn, but he greatly feared, as I have already said, lest he should offend his chief.
21. … And there he (Samson) was in such wise received by the same abovementioned priest Piro. an old man already advanced in years, as if he had the appearance of an angel of God sent down from heaven.
23. … However, while they were lamenting and mistrusting the one the other, St. Piro delighted now spoke as follows : “ Behold Samson whom you have sought with so much fatigue of travel ; now , what you have to tell , tell me.”…
36. Indeed not long afterwards an unexpected thing happened. One dark night the same Piro took a solitary stroll into the grounds of the monastery, and what is more serious, so it is said, owing to stupid intoxication. fell headlong into a deep pit. Uttering one piercing cry for help, he was dragged out of the hole by the brothers in a dying condition, and died in the night from his adventure. And it came to pass when the bishop heard of it, he made all the brothers to remain just where they were and spend the night together; and then, having assembled a council, after Mattins, all the men of this monastery, with one accord, chose St. Samson to be abbot. And when he submitted (to be abbot), though not willingly, he trained the brothers gently to the proper rule. And while he held the primacy in this place, which was not more than a year and a half, the brothers regarded him as a hermit rather than as a member of an order of monks. And consequently, amidst feasts of plenty and flowing bowls, he made a point of fasting always from food and drink. Of vigils there is no need to say anything, inasmuch, as I have already stated, he never at any time allowed his body to rest in bed.
The bishop was a certain Dubricius, or Dyfrig in Welsh. He seems to have been one of those decent, hard-working men who, in the middle of an immense disaster to society, too vast to be prevented, try somehow to keep things going by whatever means possible. If Pir owned the island, then it is no wonder that he became “abbot” of the Celtic monastery. No doubt Dubricius felt that the drunkeness of Pir and his monks was secondary to establishing a secure base in bad times.
There is an amusing modern version of this story on a blog here by Jay King which I think deserves wider circulation:
Abbott Pyr of Ynys Byr,
In his cups fell in the well.
By the time they fished him out
He was dead and gone to hell.
His brother monks without complaint
Canonized their peer a saint.
And so to heaven he arose
At least that’s how the story goes.
But in truth there is no evidence of any canonisation.
The medieval Life of St Piran itself is of no value, or so I learn from Gilbert Doble’s account in part 4 of his collected The Saints of Cornwall. In fact it is an arrant fraud, in that it is identical to the Irish Life of St Ciaran of Saighir, but with the names changed. Indeed St Ciaran was unlucky enough to be pirated, not once, but twice: the Life of the Breton saint Sezni is also a copy of the Life of St Ciaran which has undergone the same process. This sort of thing was a natural consequence of the medieval church services, which expected that a portion of the life of a saint should be read out during the commemoration on his saint’s day. The abbey of Exeter came to own St Piran’s oratory, and therefore must commemorate the saint. No doubt some canon of Exeter was instructed to produce one.
The Life of St Piran had more adventures to undergo. It was collected in the late middle ages by a certain John of Tynmouth, who wrote down somewhat abbreviated versions of a good many saints’ lives in the west country. These in turn were published in Capgrave’s Nova Legenda Angliae. A 1901 reprint edition of this, edited by Carl Horstman, is online. But there is a Gotha manuscript of the Life of St Piran, containing a longer ending not found in the Capgrave text. This ending is the only part of the Life to have historical value, and records that at the time the sands were encroaching upon the oratory at Peranzabuloe.
St Piran’s flag.
I don’t know if the modern interest in St Piran will extend so far as to translate his Life into English. But let us hope so. In the meantime, we can reject this legend of his death.
[1]Horstmann, Carl. “De Sancto Pirano Episcopo Et Confessore.” In: Nova Legenda Anglie. Vol. II. Re-edited from the 1516 Edition of Wynkyn de Worde. Oxford: The Clarendon Press (1901), pp. 320-328. Download here.↩
