Lots of progress

It never rains but it pours.  Today, in my inbox I find:

  1. The first draft of the translation of Origen’s 10th Homily on Ezekiel.
  2. The sample chunk of the translation of the lost 60% of John Chrysostom’s Oratio 2 adversus Judaeos.
  3. Portion 15 of the translation of Sbath’s collection of Arabic theological and philosophical texts.

It is nice to see all these projects coming along, tho!  I’ve asked the Eusebius translator to look over the Chrysostom sample.  The other two translators are well known to me for the quality of their work.

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Hunain ibn Ishaq – update

I’ve had another delivery of the English translation of the short treatise by the 10th century Arabic Christian writer Hunain ibn Ishaq.  Hunain translated most of Galen and was a key figure in the passage of Greek literature into Arabic.  His treatise on true and false proofs of religion is now entirely translated into English, although needs a bit of tweaking.  I’ve also bunged it over to an online contact to review for accuracy etc.

Sbath also published a Coptic Arabic commentary on this text, which I had hoped to get done as well.  But the translator is finding himself rather busier than he had thought, so this may not go ahead.  All the universities are starting teaching, so it isn’t the best time for such projects.  Let’s hope that work does resume.

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Is this the title page of Abu’l Makarem?

Sometimes it is a pain not knowing Arabic, and this is one of those times.  Below is a page from a PDF which has reached me, containing a file named “abu.makarim_tarikh.i.pdf”.  The book is entirely in Arabic, in a directory labelled “Christian Arabic”, and has a picture of a Coptic bishop at the front.  It is 125 pages long.  So… what is it?

Some people will remember my interest in the Coptic-Arabic history of “Abu Salih”, or Abu’l Makarem as it turns out to be.  One portion was published with an English translation; another third has been published in Arabic; and a final chunk remains unpublished.  Is this PDF part of the Arabic portion, I wonder?

Can anyone tell me what the page says?  (Click on the image for the full size image).

Page from unknown PDF
Page from unknown PDF
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More from Eutychius

Heraclius has conquered the Persians, and they have killed their king Qavad and are also suffering an outbreak of cholera.  Now read on.  Dates in [] are the era of Diocletian.

[276] After him many kings reigned – men and women – until the reign of Yezdegerd, the son of Kesra (A)Brawez, who began to prevail at the age of 25 (or 15?). Abu Bakr sent his armies into Iraq and Khalid went down to Hira. Their dignitaries came out to meet him and he gave them the `Aman and concluded a Solh (peace in return for payment) with them for 70 thousand dirhams. This was the first tribute in Iraq and the first money to be brought from Iraq to Abu Bakr. Then the Arabs joined with him (= Abu Bakr). Then he sent ‘Amr ibn al-‘As and Surahbil ibn Husna and Abi ‘Obeyda ibn al Garrah and Yazid ibn abi Sufian — he gave them the army (whose commander was ‘Amr ibn al-‘As) — and ordered them to go in the direction of Sam on the way to Ayla. And he gave them the following instructions:

— Not to kill any gray-haired old man, woman or little child;
— Not to attack the wounded;
— Not to chop down any fruit-tree;
— Not to destroy any building;
— Not to set fire to any palm trees nor to cut the bark (so that they would die);
— Not to kill any sheep or cow.

They went to a village called Tadun, a city of Gaza near the Hijaz, and there encamped. It was reported to them that the armies of Heraclius were gathered in the city of Gaza. Heraclius himself was then in Damascus. ‘Amr ibn al-‘As wrote to Abu Bakr and (begged) for reinforcements. And Abu Bakr wrote to Khalid ibn al-Walid (and ordered him) to go with all his followers to ‘Amr ibn al-‘As and provide him assistance. Khalid marched there on the desert road, to Hira, and reached ‘Amr ibn al-‘As. The armies of Heraclius had based themselves in Gaza. When (the Arabs) reached Gaza, the patrician, the leader of the army of Heraclius – sent to the Army of the Muslims (a messenger) and asked them to send one of their military leaders. They said to ‘Amr ibn al-‘As: This is your (task)! ‘Amr disguised himself, and the gates of Gaza were opened and he entered.

When he stood before the patrician, he received him well and said (to him): What drives you to our country and what do you want? ‘Amr ibn al-‘As said to him: “Our Master (= leader) ordered us to fight you until you accept our religion: you will be due what is due to us, and you will then be our brothers, and we will no longer allow ourselves to harm or threaten you. If you reject this, pay us a tribute that pleases us and you, every year, as long as we and you live. Then we will fight for you against all who attack you, or in any way jeopardize your lands, towns, or wealth. We will do it instead of you, because you will be on our conscience and will have an agreement from us for this. If you (also) reject this, there remains only fighting with us with the sword until we all die, or we get from you what we want.”

Next time we’ll see how the Roman patrician responded to these arrogant “terms”.

Interestingly it looks as if the first Islamic army was quite small, and relied on the Arabs outside Arabia joining them, doubtless in hope of plunder.

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Some entries from the annals of Euthyius of Alexandria

[ 273 ] In the 11th year of the reign of Heraclius died the Prophet (Mohammad), so-called, on Monday, when two nights of the month of Rabi` I. had passed, in the eleventh year of the Higra. He was buried in the house where he had died. This was the house of `Aisha. His illness lasted13 days. He died at the age of 63 and left no children, with the exception of Fatima, who died 40 days after him; it is also said: after 70 days.

[ 274 ] In the 11th year of the reign of Heraclius, (H)Onorios became Patriarch in Rome. He lasted 18 years and died.

[ 275 ] When Kesra (A)Brawez came into his city and saw, what murder and devastation Heraclius had wrought, he was attacked by great sorrow; but he did not change his cruel behaviour in any way. His days (government) became ever heavier for the people, and these were with their patience at and end (and said): He is a messenger of misfortune! In his time the Persians were killed and their countries devastated. They put him aside, after 38 years, and placed in his place his son Qabad, who called himself Sirawayh. He was the son of Mariam, the daughter of Maurice, the king of the Romans. He preferred justice and showed it to those who had suffered injury until then. He killed 18 of the children of his father, who had set themselves against him because of his mother. All his remaining relatives fled. Then he said: I will abolish the tax, so that all the people may experience my justice and my benevolence. Some time thereafter cholera attacked the inhabitants of his realm and the majority died. (Qabab) also died and his father Kesra with him. His rule lasted 8 months.

(From Eutychius / Sa`id ibn Bitriq, ca. 940 AD.  The numbers are the years of the era of Diocletian)

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More on Eutychius

I’ve now worked out why the Italian translation is so much longer than the critical edition and translation.  It seems that Louis Cheikho published the text in 1906, and the Italian translation was made from that.  At any rate, it doesn’t mention the 1985 CSCO 471-2 edition.  The editor of this new text, Michael Breydy, introduces it thus:

In the course of the last thousand years there has often been a temptation to attribute to Eutychios of Alexandria – also known as Sa`id ibn Batriq – various works, including a World Chronicle adorned with all sorts of titles: The Annals, The String of Pearls (= Nazm al-Jawhar), Collected Stories (= at-Tarikh al-Magmu`), etc.

Ibn Batriq was a doctor, who lived from 877 to 940 AD in Egypt and was one of the arabic speaking Melkites.

Of the many works attributed to him, the World Chronicle is the only one that can be attributed to him with certainty, albeit with certain qualifications. This world history has been published in the bilingual edition of Selden-Pocock (London, 1642; Oxford, 1654-59) in a form containing many interpolations, material which may not come from the pen of Ibn Batriq. The other anachronisms and historical errors that occur all too often in this world chronicle may, therefore, be attributed only with great reservations to that author.

Until now it was impossible to distinguish Ibn Batriq’s own mistakes from those of the interpolators because we lacked any criteria and touchstone for verifying the authenticity and age of suspicious passages.

With the recognition of the manuscript Sinaiticus Arabicus 582, containing a chronicle previously considered anonymous, I have managed to find a copy of this world history, which is regarded as the starting point of all the other copies.

The Sinaiticus Arab. 582 has, in fact all the characteristics of an autograph by Ibn Batriq and gives us the most important criterion by which we can define the real passages of Ibn Batriq, to delimit precisely later added interpolations, and thus to distinguish from his own mistakes or merits those of subsequent copyists and interpolators.

The current issue [of CSCO] – although also missing the beginning and the end – give us back the bulk of the world chronicle by Ibn Batriq, which he wrote in his own time, or rather copied from older sources.

I give hereafter a summary of his biography with the description of the various manuscripts of his world history that I have taken into account in this edition.

A detailed study of the problems and corrections, which had resulted from the fact, I have carried out in a special volume of “subsidia”.

It looks as if the very popularity of Eutychius’ text led to it being augmented with extra material, to bring it up to date, make it more useful, etc.  No doubt those who added this material merely intended to do for their own use.  Quite possibly the concept of interpolation would have struck them as curious, and their actions undertaken in a spirit more like those today who scribble a note in the margin of a torn-out newspaper article.

Eutychius mentions his own birthday in his chronicle – 877 AD. His chronicle was continued by Yahya ibn Sa’id al-Antaki, in his “Kitab ul-Dayul”, who says that Eutychius died on 11th May 940.

With his elevation to the patriarchate of Alexandria arose a great controversy in the Melkite Church. The chronicle of his successor, Yahya ibn Sa`eed reported that his fellow physicians in his home town of Fustat and the faithful of other Melkite dioceses had rejected him, wanted him to removed from office, and that this attitude continued until his death. It is therefore assumed that his elevation was viewed as illegal because he was raised directly from the laity as patriarch, though he had previously working with everything other than with clerical tasks.

In his Annals he refers to himself in a comment as a “Mutatabbib”, not as a qualified physician, but as a “practitioner”.

 He shows no sign of using Greek sources; but references to Syriac and indeed Syriac words are everywhere.  His base in Fustat and various details in the Chronicle suggest that he may have owed his elevation to the patriarchate to his Moslem contacts.

All the manuscripts other than the Sinai ms. go back to a copy reworked by Yahya ibn Sa`id in Antioch in 1014.  This was at that time in the Byzantine empire, and the text was augmented with a large amount of historical material from other sources.

The appearance of the edition of Pocock around 1655 set an end to the manipulations in the annals work of Ibn Batriq. The rare manuscript, which is found after this date, repeats the typical text version of Aleppo, which had Selden/Pocock published with smaller word variants. In the older handwriting this conformity is absent, and important and considerable excerpts are missing here and there, whose research in the manuscript concerned can lead to a rather exact dating of the questionable interpolation.

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Deviations in my copies of the Annals of Eutychius (ca. 900)

I’ve started to look at the second big Arabic Christian history, the Annals of Eutychius, or Sa`id ibn Bitriq as he was known to taxi-drivers.  I have the CSCO edition and translation here, and also an Italian translation. 

The thing is, the Italian translation is a lot bigger than the German one.  For the section that starts with the 11th year of Heraclius, the German runs out after a dozen or two pages.  Most of it is concerned with the early days of Islam; then there is a sudden jump without explanation and two pages on events a century later.  By contrast the Italian has section after section on the period in between.  Which is right?

Only one way to find out; hunt through the verbose introductions.  Hate that.

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Sbath project – sample of Hunain gets the raspberry

An unexpected problem; the sample of a translation of Hunain ibn Ishaq has got the raspberry from the person I sent it to for checking.  “Make sure the person you use has a solid training in classical Arabic”, I am admonished.  Actually I think the translator has.  Have sent the comments to the translator, and am awaiting the explosion!

Meanwhile I have offered a commission for treatises 15-19 (a grand total of 12 pages!) to an old and trusted translator.  But with the new term coming up, now may not be the best time.

I’ve really enjoyed being on holiday this summer.  How rarely can one take more than a week or two off at this time, as I have been able to do?  Back to work on Tuesday.  A little unenthusiastic, as is usual after a holiday. Also there is no air-conditioning in its offices, except for the offices of the directors. Still, it will be good to get back in the routine.

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Hunain ibn Ishaq translation now underway

I’ve found a translator and commissioned a translation of the work of Hunain ibn Ishaq, the 10th century Christian translator of scientific works who worked for the Abbassid caliphs, plus a commentary on it by a Coptic author.  The two make up 20 pages in Paul Sbath’s Vingt traites, although for the Hunain work there is a critical text by Samir Khalil Samir which we’ll use instead.  It’s about valid and invalid ways to prove your religion is true.  The result will be public domain and posted on the web so we can all access it.

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Chrysostom is better in Syriac than in Greek! And what about the Arabs?

If you look at the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers collection, you will see a large number of sermons on books of the bible by John Chrysostom.  The NPNF series was a pirate edition; it reprints the Oxford Movement translations, minus their notes, edited by Charles Marriot in the 1840’s and 50’s.  You have to be struck by the sheer volume of these things.  The sermons are of value to exegetes, of course.  Pre-internet it was nearly impossible to access the Oxford Movement “Library of the Fathers” volumes.  I suspect the notes would repay investigation.

But while turning photocopies into PDF’s, I came across an interesting article about the manuscripts of Chrysostom by J. W. Childers, Chrysostom’s Exegetical Homilies on the New Testament in Syriac Translation.  This tells me that the earliest manuscripts of the Greek tradition are 10th or 11th century; not bad, but by no means early.  I know that just listing medieval copies of Chrysostom takes volumes, so there is clearly a very great number of manuscripts.  So it is a surprise to learn that no earlier copies exist.

But Childers article draws attention to the fact that the manuscripts of the Syriac version are far earlier.  Thus for the Homilies on Matthew, the first 32 sermons (of 90) are preserved in four manuscripts, all from the Nitrian desert in Egypt, all of the 6th century.  Another translation existed, referred to by Philoxenus of Mabbug in an anthology composed before 484 AD.  The translations were made using the standard techniques of the 5th century, and show that the text of the Greek did not alter appreciably between the 5th and 10th centuries.  The translations are insufficiently literal to be much use for text-critical concerns.  But for the homilies on Paul’s letters the 6th and 7th century manuscripts are even more literal, and so can be used to correct the Greek.

The homilies were also translated from Syriac into Arabic, and catalogues of manuscripts invariably contain some.  There is quite a section on these in Graf’s Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur vol. 1.  While the manuscripts may not be early, they will reflect a Syriac text that may be.  It  might also be interesting to wonder what exists in Armenian.

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