A list of GCS volumes online

Ages ago the PLGO group compiled a list of GCS volumes online.  This vanished recently, as I discovered when I went looking for it.  A version still exists in ScribD, but, you know, I don’t find stuff in ScribD that accessible.

Rather than go without, I have transcribed the list and placed it on a page on this blog here.

Updates are welcome.

UPDATE: I have just been through Internet Archive using terms such as “eusebius werke” and “origenes werke” and filled in most of the gaps before 1923.  Methodius is one of only two gaps (of course it would be one that I want to look at).  It seems that the people at IA have been very busy, bless them!

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The difficulty of orientation: trying to learn about Isis

I’ve been thinking about Mithras and Mithra, Roman and Persian.  Some of the comments on my recent post, Why Cumontian Mithras studies are dead, suggested that Roman syncretism could not be left out of account, and that any eastern cult that entered the Roman world was likely to undergo modification. 

There is much truth in this.  We all remember the Indian gurus who competed for custom among the hippies with westernised versions of their teachings.  The Hare Krishnas come rather readily to mind.  A couple of generations earlier, we find eastern Fakirs in Edwardian drawing rooms.  But then again, all this is rather vague.  How do we know what happened?

I started thinking about an obvious contender for this syncretism and assimilation: the Egyptian cult of Isis.  Isis is an ancient Egyptian goddess, part of the pantheon together with Ra and Osiris and Horus and the rest.  Yet there were temples of Isis in Rome itself, and elsewhere in the empire.  Surely this would be an excellent candidate cult for examination?  After all, we can learn a lot about the pre-Graeco-Roman cult from Ancient Egyptian texts and inscriptions; and then we have a goodish amount of material from the Roman period.

So thinking, I naturally wanted to know just what the data base for the cult of Isis in the Roman world was.  And … there I started to get stuck.

I wanted to know who the scholars are that one should read.  There is, no doubt, much dross and hearsay out there.  Indeed it took only one click on a Google search to find a book about “Isis and Early Christianity” or some such … how drearily predictable.   A bibliography would be a wonderful thing.

For I am entirely a layman on Isis.  I know nothing about it.  In this respect I am just like most people.  Where does one get a reading list of sound sources?  Just who are the good scholars?

One wouldn’t look to Wikipedia for this; indeed if it acquired such a bibliography, some troll would delete it.  And indeed the Wikipedia Isis article displays the usual mixture of hearsay and low-grade sources.

My own approach would be to read whatever I can find, and tabulate the ancient Graeco-Roman literary sources.  It may not be the best way; but it is impossible to avoid learning a great deal in the process.

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JTS charging far too much?

From the ABTABL list I learn that the Journal of Theological Studies this year is demanding £277.80 for two issues.  This seems rather excessive.  In consequence smaller libraries are now considering cancelling their subscription.

In the pre-internet days, the academic journal was the only sensible means to disseminate research.  Containing a range of articles written by academics, and edited by one or more academics — all these paid by the taxpayer — the journal article was the only practicable way to circulate this material.  The issues were bought almost exclusively by major libraries at universities — also tax funded.  The publisher made a profit, of course, but also provided a necessary service.  This was, in truth, the only way to circulate the material.

But today?  Just why do we need the publisher?  Surely the articles could be disseminated in PDF form by the editors, and printed (by those libraries that need them) using services like Lulu?  Most academics would probably rather have the articles in JSTOR anyway.

Well we all know why that won’t happen — because everyone is used to the current system.  There is tremendous inertia in the system.  Libraries might feel that they serve no purposes, without rows of bound volumes.  Academics will feel that PDF publication is less real, and might be less useful in the key and necessary role of establishing or maintaining their reputation as professional academics.

The current situation seems to be in no-one’s interest, other than a handful of publishers.  It isn’t in the interest of academics to restrict the circulation of their work!  It isn’t in the interest of the poor bloody taxpayer to have what he pays for made inaccessible.

In a way, I welcome the new, very high charges.  I can hear a sound in the distance, indeed. 

It is the sound of a monopolist sawing off the branch he is sitting on.

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Delving in the Analecta Bollandiana

A post in an online forum queried whether an English translation existed of the “Halkin Vita” of Constantine.  I had never heard of this item, but a little searching revealed that it is a medieval Greek Saint’s “Life”, mostly fictitious, of the Emperor.  A reference to a medieval patriarch dates it to after the iconoclast disputes, and it is apparently extant in a single 13th century manuscript from Patmos, and was published by F. Halkin in volume 77 of Analecta Bollandiana, that great repository of scholarly editions of obscure hagiographical literature.

Hagiography is a funny business.  It’s not history, nor biography.  It is a genre of its own, which arose in the late 4th century, and is primarily related to folk-tale.  There is quite a spectrum of material.  At one end, a “saint’s life” may be entirely fictitious, for instance, and told mainly because it is interesting to hear.  At the other end, we find “lives” which are full of details which are plainly derived from an eye-witness.  Because it is a genre, the form of the tales is quite rigid in some ways, and standard incidents — the props of the genre — can be recognised by comparing texts. 

The process of recognising material of historical value has exercised scholars, and the Bollandist scholars in particular have published considerable amounts of material for some centuries, although, like most people, I have never read a word of their work.  There is a perceptible tendency, unfortunately, to simply assign all supernatural material and all homiletic material to the category of “folk tale”, and then to presume that the secular remainder may have some historical value.  The risks in this approach are obvious — why do we suppose that a writer cannot invent plain details as well as marvellous?  But how to proceed, when we are asking a question of a text which it is not designed to answer?

Unfortunately I could not access Halkin’s publication, which I suspect was accompanied by a French translation.  A number of older volumes are on Google  books.  Volume 16 (1897), for instance, is here (US readers only, thanks to the usual greed of European publishers). 

This volume opens with a martyrdom (“Acts”) of a certain Saint Dasius, preserved in ms. Paris graecus 1539 of the 11th century.  The article is by Franz Cumont, the founder of Mithras studies, and opens with interesting remarks about how the Saturnalia was celebrated.

From the first words, we find some very curious notes on the Saturnalia which are certainly authentic.  The soldiers in the garrison at Durostorum, the anonymous author says, had the custom, during the festival of Cronos, which they celebrated each year, to set up a mock-king.  Wearing insignia denoting his rank, this person went out at the head of a numerous procession, and in the town gave himself up to every species of excess and debauchery .  The license permitted on this occasion was treated as a special “gift” of Saturn, of whom the ephemeral king was treated as an terrestrial image.

These details agree with what profane authors tell us about the Roman Saturnalia.[1]  In each society a “king”, under some such name, presided at the festival, and helped things along by giving as ridiculous as possible orders to his “subjects”, and, just like the editor of our “Acts”, Lucian speaks of behaviour, for which Saturnalia was the pretext, as a “gift” of the relaxed sovereign of the Age of Gold, who every year regained his power for seven days.[2]  All these details from our text are therefore of an indisputable authenticity.

After which, I admit that I was rather curious to read the text itself.  Sadly, in compliance with a vile custom not yet quite extinct, the editor provided no translation.  Oh well.

But returning to the Analecta Bollandiana, isn’t it a shame that the scholarly publications of this recondite branch of knowledge remain offline?  For only a few libraries can possibly hold that journal, and those libraries are open only to academics.  Few of the latter will be avid readers of the AB, I suspect.  Of course the publication makes money for the press, and, I would hope, at least something for the Bollandists themselves.

But wouldn’t it be a much better idea to go electronic, and make the material available online to us all?  Would the Bollandists be a penny worse off?  Somehow I doubt it.

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  1. [1]Lucian, Saturn. 4; Cf. Tacitus, Annals, XIII, 15; Arrian, Epictetus diss. I, 25. 
  2. [2]Lucian, Sat. ch. 2-4

From my diary

A couple of snippets only.

Firstly, an email tells me that someone is producing audio versions of some of the ante-Nicene fathers, here.  Apparently they have backing music, which sounds unusual.  I have a vague idea that other people have done some of this, but it can only be a good thing!

Secondly, via Ancient World Online, I learn of a new site of dissertations online, the The Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations (NDLTD).  I was unable to work out who and what and why from the corporate-speak on the site, but there are two search engines for it:

Scirus ETD Search
A comprehensive scientific research tool from Elsevier, Scirus ETD Search provides an advanced search that can narrow results to theses and dissertations as well as provide access to related scholarly resources.
VTLS Visualizer
This is a dynamic search and discovery platform with sophisticated functionality.  You can sort by relevance, title, and date.  In the current implementation, faceted searches are available by language, continent, country, date, format and source institution.  Additional facets, such as subjects or departments, can be added if desired.

Anything that makes these items more readily accessible is good.   Many, perhaps most dissertations are of limited value.   But they often contain unpublished translations, and so can be valuable long after the author has forgotten about them.

I’ve just done a search on “english translation”. 

This thesis [by C.R. Hackenberg, 2009] offers, for the first time, a complete Arabic-to-English translation of the debate between Nestorian Patriarch, Timothy I (a. 779-823), and Muslim ‘Abbāsid Caliph, al-Mahdī (r. 775-785). An analysis of the various editions of the Arabic and Syriac versions of the debate is included. The primary editions of the debate consulted for this thesis were Samir K. Samir’s critical edition of the Arabic text named MS 662 of the Bibliothéque Orientale à Beyrouth, and Alphonse Mingana’s edition of the Syriac text named Mingana 17 taken from the Convent of Alqosh in northern Iraq. In analyzing the various editions of the debate, the goal is to establish the primacy of the Syriac text in its relationship to the Arabic text. This analysis is largely based upon the existing work of Hans Putman. In the translation and analysis of the debate, significant differences between the Syriac and Arabic versions of the debate are noted. In addition to the translation and analysis of the debate, a general introduction to Timothy I and his accomplishments as Nestorian Patriarch as well as an outline of the proposed purpose of Timothy’s text during late antiquity and the medieval period are offered.

I downloaded it at once!  It is followed by a load of stuff of no special interest, including stuff about machine translation.  Then I found this:

A Critical Edition of Anastasius Bibliothecarius’ Latin Translation of Greek Documents Pertaining to the Life of Maximus the Confessor, with an Analysis of Anastasius’ Translation Methodology, and an English Translation of the Latin Text (Neil Bronwen, 1998)

Anastasius Bibliothecarius, papal librarian, translator and diplomat, is one of the pivotal figures of the ninth century in both literary and political contexts. His contribution to relations between the eastern and western church can be considered to have had both positive and negative ramifications, and it will be argued that his translations of various Greek works into Latin played a significant role in achieving his political agenda, complex and convoluted as this was. Being one of relatively few Roman bilinguals in the latter part of the ninth century, Anastasius found that his linguistic skills opened an avenue into papal affairs that was not closed by even the greatest breaches of trust and violations of canonical law on his part. His chequered career spanning five pontificates will be reviewed in the first chapter. In Chapter 2, we discuss his corpus of works of translation, in particular the Collectanea, whose sole surviving witness, the Parisinus Latinus 5095, has been partially edited in this study. This collation and translation of seven documents pertaining to the life of Maximus the Confessor provides us with a unique insight into Anastasius’ capacity as a translator, and into the political and cultural significance of the commissioning and dedication of his hagiographic and other translated works in general. These seven documents will be examined in detail in Chapter 3, and compared with the Greek tradition, where that has survived, in an effort to establish the codes governing translation in this period, and to establish which manuscripts of the Greek tradition correspond most closely to Anastasius’ (lost) model. In Chapter 4, we analyse consistency of style and method by comparison with Anastasius’ translation of the Historia Mystica attributed to Germanus of Constantinople. Anastasius’ methodology will be compared and contrasted with that of his contemporary John Scotus Eriugena, to place his oeuvre in the broader context of bilingualism in the West in the ninth century. Part II contains a critical edition of the text with facing English translation and historical and linguistic annotations.

That’s the stuff!

After 9 pages, tho, I found that I needed some means to exclude all the Chinese stuff!  I tried the other search engine, with advanced, and excluding “chinese”.  Interestingly this gave better results.  Some of the theses are very old — there was one on Numenius by Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie.  There was a translation of portions of John Tzetzes’ letters and histories in another.  But I was much less sure whether there was actual material for download — the Tzetzes talked about “add to cart” rather than giving a link.  But returning to the first engine, and doing a similar search, I did find the Tzetzes here.  But the search engine then went wonky!

Very interesting, and deserving much investigation, I suspect!

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Is ambiguity in ancient texts a problem for the translator?

At work today one of my colleagues had received a particularly hasty email from a customer.  The sentence was somewhat difficult to parse, and could be read in two ways.  But we worked out what it meant.  And then — for, unusually, my current colleagues know who I am — he asked me this:

When you’re translating an ancient text, how do you deal with ambiguity?

It’s a very good question, isn’t it? 

The first point that struck me is that mostly ancient authors wanted to be read, and to be understood, and consequently wrote in order to avoid ambiguity.  A word might have two meanings, but the rest of the sentence would be so phrased as to rule out all but one choice.

I think that here is rather less ambiguity in ancient texts than we might suppose, as we translate them.  Isn’t it the case that, in the majority of the situations where we find ourselves with ambiguity, it is because we can’t work out what the thought is, that the author is trying to express? 

I remember wrestling with a translation of the 6th century Syriac scientific author, Severus Sebokht, On the Constellations.  The subject matter — “climates” and stars and so on — was unfamiliar, and I found myself in the dark, sometimes, where a sentence could have more than one meaning, word for word.  But the real problem was that I simply didn’t know enough about the subject to choose the right possible word meaning.

When we find a word that could be translated several ways, we usually find that the context decides which word that should be.  By “context” we mean that the word is part of a sentence, and the sentence part of a paragraph, and the paragraph is devoted to putting forward a train of thought.  All this naturally tends to reduce the possible multiple meanings of a word, or a set of words.  The author probably did not intend to be ambiguous, after all, although, with some of the more allusive Byzantine writers, you do wonder!

When we do find a word which is clearly ambiguous in the original, how do we handle it?  In this case we must consider the possibility that the ambiguity is deliberate, and therefore needs to be conveyed to the reader in English.  The best solution is to use an English word that has the same dual sense.  Habeo in Latin has a considerable range of meanings beyond have, own; and have itself can carry more than one meaning in English.  But in most cases we will not find a convenient equivalent.  In that case we must resort to footnotes; translate the meaning that is most important, and indicate the overloading in a footnote.  Indeed even when a single ambiguous English word can be found, it is probably best to indicate in a footnote that the ambiguity is in the Latin or Greek. 

For footnotes, of course, exist primarily to allow the translator to anticipate the criticisms of the reviewer — “surely any schoolboy would have known that blah blah…” — and prevent such captiousness.  Whether such preventative footnotes are of use to the general reader may sometimes be doubted.

A further element reducing ambiguity in ancient sentences is the language itself.  English is a weakly-typed language, to borrow a computer idiom.  A word may be a noun or a verb, and little or nothing in the form of the word itself indicates its grammatical purpose or position in the sentence.  But Latin and Greek were more strongly typed. 

In English you can reverse the position of words, and it alters the meaning.  “Sextus killed Marcus” and “Marcus killed Sextus” are not equivalent statements, not least from the point of view of Marcus and Sextus. 

But in Latin this is an impossible problem.  “Sextus Marcum occidit” and “Marcum Sextus occidit” are of near identical meaning, differing only in emphasis.   Consequently the scope for ambiguity is reduced. 

But of course ambiguity does not disappear simply because of grammar!  The second word anyone learns in Latin, amas, has two different meanings — the second person singular indicative active of the verb amo meaning “you love”, as in amo, amas, amat; but it is also the accusative plural of the noun ama, the fireman’s buckets.  “amas amas” is a perfectly legal Latin sentence — “you love the fireman’s buckets”.  It is not clear, perhaps, which amas is which!  But even so, the meaning is unambiguous.

In short, translation does not have a special problem with ambiguity.  The author may be ambiguous; the language he writes in may assist or obstruct him; but surely the real cause of ambiguity is between the ears of the author, not in the mind of the translator?

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Bibliography (with links) of Pachomian literature

Alin Suciu has collected a bibliography of publications of works connected with the 4th century founder of Egyptian monasticism, St. Pachomius.  He’s also linked to downloads.  You know, five years ago you just couldn’t have got these books!

The first on the list is a publication by Egyptologist E. Amelineau.  Amelineau is a name that I came across as a boy, when reading Leonard Cottrell’s books about ancient Egypt.  Flinders Petrie, who started scientific archaeology, found that Amelineau was the enemy, and his name was associated with everything bad in my early reading, therefore.

But the truth is that Amelineau wasn’t an archaeologist at all.  He was a coptologist, publishing papyri and other 4th century Christian texts.  His volumes — and they are numerous — are still of value today.  It is unfortunate, therefore, that in getting involved in digging for antiquities, in a period when this was commonplace, he outlived his time and started to do real damage. 

UPDATE: Dr Suciu has continued his Pachomian bibiography here with further excellent material. 

UPDATE: Part 3 is here, and part 4 and last here.

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An example of why abolishing AD and BC causes problems

A report in the Daily Mail at the weekend highlighted a fresh stage in the step-by-step campaign by the establishment to replace AD and BC with the Jewish-originated CE and BCE. 

The BBC’s religious and ethics department says the changes are necessary to avoid offending non-Christians.

It states: ‘As the BBC is committed to impartiality it is appropriate that we use terms that do not offend or alienate non-Christians.

In line with modern practice, BCE/CE (Before Common Era/Common Era) are used as a religiously neutral alternative to BC/AD.’

The report has been attacked for being “untrue”, although the authenticity of the statement does not appear to be in dispute.  Nor is the creeping introduction of this novelty denied either — indeed it has been apparent to most of us for years.  The attacks, therefore, are merely an attempt to quiet media criticism.

But today I came across an example of how this nonsense is causing confusion.

In  Laina Farhat-Holzman, Strange Birds from Zoroaster’s Nest: An Overview of Revealed Religions, (2003), p.201, there is a summary of Mary Boyce’s discussion of Zoroastrian sources.  In this I read:

None of this [the Zoroastrian scripture] was committed to writing until the Avestan alphabet was designed for this purpose in the 5th century B.C.

Fortunately I had just been reading a useful book on modern research on Zoroastrianism, and this felt wrong.  And I found Mary Boyce, Textual Sources for the study of Zoroastrianism, University of Chicago Press (1990) p.1, which stated:

All their religious works were handed down orally: it was not until probably the fifth century A.C. that they were at last committed to writing, in the ‘Avestan’ alphabet, especially invented for the purpose.

Had Dr Boyce stuck to AD and BC, this error could hardly have arisen.  Thank you, University of Chicago Press, for causing an unnecessary confusion.

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British Museum catalogue now online and searchable (with pictures!)

Another item I spotted via AWOL is that the British Museum (upon whom be blessings) has made its database of what it holds available on the web.  You can search it here, and an advanced search is here.

Welcome to the British Museum collection database online. Search almost two million objects from the entire Museum collection.  

1,974,761 objects are available
609,419 of these have one or more images

The database is updated weekly. The range of the Museum’s collection includes: …

  • Objects from ancient Egypt and Sudan, from the Neolithic period (around 10,000 BC) until the twelfth century AD
  • Objects from Ancient Greece and Rome (including Roman Britain), from the beginning of the Greek Bronze Age (about 3,200 BC) to the Roman emperor Constantine in the fourth century AD
  • Work is continuing on the parts of the collection that have not been catalogued and new entries are continuously being added.

    They’ve also implemented some kind of webservice, so you can access it programmatically.  I haven’t looked at the latter — too much like what I’m doing at work at the moment.

    I tried using the search, and entered ‘Mithras’.  I got back quite a lot of interesting items; but these were drowned in dozens and dozens of coin images.  Quite how the coins were relevant I did not see, and I can see that these will drown out all the other content.  Gentlemen: you need to implement an option to exclude coins!

    Another useful feature would be a permalink for each item, and also a way to embed the photos (because most of us would not want to copy them).  The link “use digital image” is very good, very comprehensive, and allows the museum to sell reproductions to libraries etc, without obstructing the ordinary man who wouldn’t buy one in a million years.  Well done, whoever thought of this.

    Here’s one interesting item, which I think we might say gives pretty much everything you’d want.  The date of the item is 200 AD.  I wish I had the CIMRM here, so I could identify it. 

    Bronze tablet dedicated to Sextus Pompeius Maximus, chief priest of the cult of Mithras and president of a guild of ferrymen; given by fellow priests of Mithras. Above the text are a bust of Mithras with a sacrificial knife and a patera.

    SEX ~POMPEIO~ SEX~FIL~
    MAXIMO~
    SACERDOTI~SOLIS~ IN
    VICTI~MT~PATRI~PATRUM
    QQ~ CORP ~TREIECT~TOGA
    TENSIUM~SACERDO
    TES~SOLIS~INVICTI~MT
    OB~AMOREM~ET~MERI
    TA~EIUS~SEMPER~HA
    BET

    Sexto Pompeio Sexti filio
    Maximo Sacerdoti Solis
    Invicti Mithrae Patri Patrum
    Quinquennali Corporis Treiectis Togatensium
    Sacerdotes Solis Invicti Mithrae
    Ob amorem et merita eius. Semper habet

    “Dedicated to Sextus Pompeius Maximus, son of Sextus, High Priest of the Sun God, Mithras, all powerful, and Father of Fathers, President of the Guild of Master Ferrymen. We, Priests of the all powerful Sun God, Mithras, do this on account of the high regard and affection we hold for him and his worthy deeds. He has this for ever.”

    Translating “invictus” as “all powerful” is interesting, isn’t it?  This chap was the high priest in his day.  Also note how the priests of Mithras do NOT call themselves “patres” but “sacerdotes”.

    The image is here, and I reproduce it below:

    Notice how Mithras is NOT depicted in a typical fashion, but rather face forwards with a radiate crown.  If you or I were devising such an image, we would have had a tauroctony, wouldn’t we?  Indeed without the inscription, would any of us recognise this as Mithras?  

    Possibly the workshop adapted an existing image type, of course.  But otherwise it is a salutary reminder that our assumptions on iconography can be widely mistaken.

    The other items are a bowl and a hatchet.  I wonder if these are part of the priest’s tools.  If so, we might ask what a priest of Mithras would use them for?  Do these suggest some form of sacrifices?

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    Early CSCO volumes from the Coptic series online

    Via AWOL I learn that some of the early volumes of the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium series are now online.  All of them are from the Scriptores Coptici sub-series.  The gentlemen responsible are the University of Chicago Oriental Institute.

    Admittedly the volumes seem rather dull — Saint’s Lives and martyrdoms.  But it is something to have them!  The texts were often published in pairs of volumes: ‘textus’ with the Coptic text, and ‘versio’ with a Latin translation.

    Well done the Oriental Institute.  More please!

    UPDATE: Alin Suciu has found some more!

    Much the most interesting of these is the Festal and Pastoral Letters of Athanasius in Coptic, as edited by Lefort.  Google translate is very good with French, so it should give some good results.  What I don’t quite know, however, is how these relate to other collections of such letters.

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